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of this bitter experience opens before us. It is in the latter point of view that we shall treat the subject. The cause of humanity will be best served by marking the errors of the humane without respect of persons. Conflicting interests may be reconciled by frank concessions on every side, without the violation of any good principle. The plain description of universally admitted abuses, will recommend a reform which will render our colonial administration equal to its duties.

The present tendency of public opinion encourages efforts having just ends in view; and there are signs abroad, that the old indifference to colonies is being formally abandoned in the highest quarters, as well as on the part of the public. Mr. Macauley's declaration on the hustings at Edinburgh, that colonial interests so long postponed to 'the intrigues of faction,' are to be seriously attended to at last, and the strong expression of his desire to take a part in these new and glorious labours, are full of meaning. There is therefore reason to expect that affairs involving the well-being of hundreds of thousands of human beings, will cease to be left to the management of clerks, and be cared for by statesmen appointed to the task, and by a parliament inclined to controul those statesmen, with a wellinstructed public, capable of correcting both.

This is a great change, springing directly from the increasing notice taken of colonial affairs by the public. The time was, when a war with the aborigines in any of our colonies where they still survive, would have occasioned merely a stray sentence in a ship letter, or at the most a solitary paragraph in small type. Nor is it long since, horrors older than Christianity itself continued to be as rife and as unheeded in our settlements, as if Christianity had never been heard of; and the very same spirit which, one thousand nine hundred years ago led the polished Romans, with Cicero at their head-forgetting the universal philanthropy of old Terence +-to shrink from social contact with our rude forefathers; and then softening down crime with a figure of rhetoric, to call the extermination of barbarians, peacesolitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant, this same spirit, within a short time, permitted the more polished press of London to be silent on receiving news of a like result in the purely British colony of Van Diemen's Land, although our callous government was alarmed at the act, when consummated. The despatch of the governor of the colony, with an account of his extraordinary war, and more extraordinary peace with the remnant of the aborigines, stifled in an island too small for them, to which they

* See Cicero's Letter to Trebatius on the Britons.

+ It was one hundred and fifty-nine years before our era, when the wellknown line of Terence called forth a shout of applause in the theatre of Rome.

had been sent for safe custody, frightened Lord Glenelg; and he hurried off orders to stop the atrocious imprisonment, which was destroying the poor creatures at the rate of some sixty per cent. in less than a year. The colonial papers exposed the whole matter, but it attracted no attention from the London press. Again, in this very South Africa, upon which, as will presently be seen, our ablest editors can now write with abundance of eloquence, and an inconceivably small stock of correct intelligence, because fighting with savages has suddenly become almost a fashionable topic, the colonists and blacks were cutting each others throats for several years together since 1836, without a single expression of regret in any one leading article throughout the United Kingdom.

This degree of apathy has passed away; but its worst effect, and inevitable but proper punishment-an extreme ignorance of material facts-remains; and the very first step towards the beneficial change of colonial policy* and colonial administration† promised us, is, to remove that ignorance, and to acquire, in its place, a competent knowledge of the leading circumstances of colonial history. How grievously this is wanted in those who have the most abundant means of knowledge at their command; and who can lavish enormous sums of money to obtain it on many occasions not more worthy of their zeal, will now be shown.

The third invasion of the Cape by the Caffres, not the 'FIRST,' as the 'Times' states, gives an apt opportunity for enlarging on this capital point of the great need of correct colonial information in London, along with several other topics, which constitute the essence of the promised reform. Nor is this point the less worth general attention because it is raised upon a question which concerns a barbarous tribe; for it deserves particular remark, that no great improvement can be made in our proceedings towards the aborigines, which will not directly promote general colonial reform. Of the 'war at the Cape,' after noticing the supineness of the government on the subject, the 'Times' says:

The present outbreak of the Caffres wears a more serious aspect than any of previous occurrence. On former occasions the country of the natives had been made the seat of war, and our own district had been protected from desolation. Now they have crossed the frontiers, and

Earl Grey, the present colonial secretary, was the first to declare in the House of Commons, a disapproval of the anti-colonial policy for many years leaned to by the government.

†The late Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Goulburn, announced in the House of Commons last June, the intended remodelling of the Colonial Office.

brought fire and sword to the very doors of the colonists.

The destruction of property has been enormous. The eastern districts of the colony have been actually swept by these heathen invaders, who have driven off flocks and herds by thousands, and desolated our plantations like a torrent of fire. In the causes which appear to have induced or precipitated this catastrophe, it is not unlike those terrible outbreaks in Hindustan which have been occasionally consequent upon the indiscriminate zeal of our missionaries. Another item must be set down against these Exeter-Hall counsels, which have designed so much good, and effected so much mischief from VELLORE to Timbuctoo. The natives have been treated as amiable proselytes, while the colonists have been represented as godless oppressors. They have been released from a superintendance which they were compelled to respect, and subjected only to treaties, which they could not be presumed to understand. They have been indulged with independence, and supplied with copies of the Scriptures; and the result is found in their loading their guns with the types of a missionary press, and using as wadding the sheets of the New Testament translated, and printed for their special use.'-July 20, 1846.

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Upon the same subject, the 'Morning Chronicle' 'WILLINGLY publishes the following statements, in the hope that they may receive the attention they deserve. By what has the war been caused? Simply by the line of policy adopted by Lord Glenelg, ten years ago, at the instigation of Mr. James Stephen, and the clique of intriguing missionaries, who have long ruled at the Colonial Office. Sir Benjamin D'Urban's policy was comprehensive, just, and based on the most humane principles, whether as regards the Caffres or the colonists. Because he exposed the schemes, and would have frustrated the self-interested objects of these insidious philanthropists of the Stephen school, he was dismissed from office. Now, what has come to pass? Exactly what he predicted, and what every rational person foresaw.July 18, 1846.'

The cause of the war is said, by the Times,' to have been 'a dispute between the local government and the Caffres; and, it adds, that 'the contest has been going on since the middle of April.-July 20, 1846.'

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In criticising these papers, put forth with unusual solemnity, and with a sort of official weight, by the two great leaders of public opinion, it is satisfactory to be able to divest the case of the only disagreeable personality that exists in it. It is here proposed to prove that the little facts of the Times' and Chronicle' are grossly inaccurate, and their great ones either directly false, or most illogically abused, but there is no longer any occasion to take into the account for any purpose whatever, MR. STEPHEN, who is attacked so bitterly in the 'Chronicle.' Since his defence against the injustice of the

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public,' which has held him responsible for the wrong policy of the Colonial Office, he may be entirely laid aside in these discussions as an individual who has passed a long life in vainly labouring to correct the errors of other men, his superiors,' who would not listen to him. This is not a very uncommon thing. Its peculiarity in the instance of Mr. Stephen is, that for the thirty or forty years that he has been so employed, he has been gaining a large salary and high station for his wasted labour. According to the Times' and 'Chronicle,' the calamity at the Cape may be easily accounted for. First, the Caffres are irreclaimable savages, fit only for the iron yoke, under which we had once got them, and might have kept them, for Sir Benjamin D'Urban succeeded (in 1836) in so keeping them down. Finally, the influence of the missionaries in Downing Street, prevented the system of Sir Benjamin D'Urban being permanent, and occasioned the present outbreak.

It is now proposed to show that all those propositions are opposed to well established facts, and to the most rational view of Caffre affairs; for which purpose a carefully drawn sketch of the history of those affairs since 1806 is now submitted to the reader's judgment.

These affairs are recorded to a much earlier period; but without offering any features which differ from those of a subsequent date. As the relations of the inhabitants of the Cape of Good Hope with the Caffres, which, at the present day, are of the greatest importance to their mutual well-being, and upon which any differences of opinion prevail, may be conveniently noticed in a brief history of the Caffre frontier, it will be early enough to take up their history at our second occupation of the colony after the peace of Amiens. Many interesting events occurred upon that frontier before, both under the Dutch government, and during our first occupation of the Cape from 1795 to 1802; but for many years after our second occupation of the colony we continued the system instituted by the Dutch in regard to the natives, so that a survey of what we did in our first twelve or fourteen years possession will fairly represent the character of the earlier governments.

There is a general agreement as to the transactions of those governments on this frontier except on one fact, which ought at the first to have been scrupulously investigated; and although by the lapse of time that fact has lost most of its original importance, it may still have influence enough upon the Caffres, to demand attention even now. It is their allegation of having acquired a portion of the country within the nominal colonial boundary, by fair purchase from the right

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owners, a Hottentot tribe, and with the sanction of the Dutch frontier authorities. This title is denied by our government; and it would be satisfactory to be able to ascertain its real value; which might be done without much difficulty through the records at the Cape, and those in Holland. In both places, there are collections of the highest interest, not only for the history of this colony, but in reference to the far wider subject of the relations between civilized, and uncivilized men. The first portion of those documents for the seventeenth century has been published lately by a private society at Cape Town; but there are serious omissions in the volume, which ought to be completed, and the work be brought down to the present day by the care of government.

Another fact, of a date previous to the beginning of the following sketch, is very remarkable. The principle steadily pursued for many years by the Dutch, in order to keep the peace upon the Caffre frontier was, the prohibition of intercourse between the colonists and the Caffres; notwithstanding that both wished to hold such intercourse; and that it could unquestionably have been maintained to their mutual advantage. The true reason of the prohibition seems to have been, the wish of the Dutch government to keep the monopoly of the interior cattle market for the East India Company. In an interview with the last Dutch governor, a Caffre chief warmly objected to this law. Peace is impossible, said the savage, where near neighbours are not allowed to come together. Nevertheless, the civilized statesman, a very able and good man, Governor Ianssens, was inexorable; and we persisted in the same policy, without being influenced by his original motives, down to about 1827.

In other respects we maintained the Dutch system of Colonial government with little change. The old Commandos were continued to a very late date. They were levies of the colonists by an inferior functionary, to pursue alleged offenders, without proper means of ascertaining the culprits; or of preventing the innocent being confounded with the guilty; or of visiting the guilty with a reasonable amount of punishment. Too often the alleged offence is believed to have been either a false alarm, or a fiction, made for the purpose of a foray. In fact, the commandos were not only a grievous burthen to the well-disposed colonist, but they produced all the evils of marauding border expeditions; and especially excited in the Caffres a violent spirit of vengeance.

Before this mischievous system of police was introduced along the whole Caffre frontier, and the old principle of non-intercourse fully enforced, a measure was resolved upon by us, which has stamped a peculiar character upon Caffre history. This was the

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