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The Secretary inquired with regard to the members of the Ambassador's family and the Ambassador gave information with regard to various members; and the conversation there ended.

S[TANLEY] K. H[ORNBECK]

793.94/10227: Telegram

The Consul at Geneva (Bucknell) to the Secretary of State

GENEVA, September 23, 1937-5 p. m. [Received September 24-6: 43 a. m.]

325. Minister's telegram No. 1, September 21, 8 p. m. I learn from a member of the Secretariat that the German Consul this morning informed the Secretary General that "in view of the general situation" Germany was unable to participate in the work of the Advisory Committee of the Assembly.

BUCKNELL

793.94/10215: Telegram

The Secretary of State to the Minister in Switzerland (Harrison)

WASHINGTON, September 23, 1937—6 p. m.

1. Your No. 6, September 23, 10 a. m. We will give you an answer in due course. Meanwhile, referring to last paragraph, we will be interested to know if you can discover any further information with regard to what the principal representatives of the important Governments concerned may be thinking of for consideration by the Subcommittee you mention.

HULL

793.94/10215: Telegram

The Secretary of State to the Minister in Switzerland (Harrison) WASHINGTON, September 24, 1937-6 p. m.

2. Your 6, September 23, 10 a. m., reporting suggestion that a subcommittee of the Advisory Committee be set up. Provided that it is thoroughly understood that your presence on such a subcommittee would be within the terms and conditions under which you are attending the meetings of the Advisory Committee you are authorized to accept an invitation, if extended, to sit with the suggested subcommittee. In the light of all your telegrams and some press reports on the subject from Geneva we gain the impression that some of the principal governments concerned in the setting up of the subcommittee may

have in mind putting on the subcommittee representatives of nations "most concerned" with the Pacific area and, although not strictly limited to those nations signatory to the Washington treaties, such as the Nine Power Pact, that it might be largely made up of representatives of governments party to that Pact. There is a question in our minds here whether the confining of consideration of the present situation in the Far East in the first instance to a group limited in such a manner would not in itself take away from the universal character and broad effect of the attention which should be given to the developments now occurring there which, it is perfectly obvious, are of concern not only to those nations having an interest in the Pacific area but to all nations of the world. I revert to my statement of July 16,53 which you have already brought to the attention of the League. That statement gives the position of this Government with respect to international problems and situations of concern to this country and, I feel justified in saying, is in accord with the position of most of the governments of the world as expressed in communications from many of those governments which I have received in response to the issuance of that statement. On August 23 I made a public statement 54 which was carried in radio bulletin no. 196 of that date. Therein I stated that this Government is firmly of the opinion that the principles summarized in the statement of July 16 should effectively govern international relationships. I also stated that we consider applicable throughout the world, in the Pacific area as elsewhere, the principles set forth in the statement of July 16; that that statement of principles is comprehensive and basic, and that it embraces the principles embodied in many treaties, including the Washington treaties and the Kellogg-Briand Pact.

This Government has taken an emphatic position with regard to the indiscriminate aerial bombing of Nanking and other unprotected and non-military places in China. Furthermore, we have offered to be of assistance in an effort to find some means of bringing the present hostilities to an end and of finding some peaceful method of composing the situation in the Far East.

I feel that there are certain principles upon which nations could take a position and upon which they could express themselves with regard to any particular situation or development which may arise, such as the developments now taking place in the Far East. Among those principles might be mentioned abstinence by all nations from the use of force in the pursuit of policy and from interference in the internal affairs of other nations; adjustment of problems in international relations by process of peaceful negotiation and agreement;

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upholding of the principle of the sanctity of treaties; respect by all nations for the rights of others; and performance by all nations of established obligations. These are broad basic principles upon which international relationships should be governed if peace is to be maintained.

The developments occurring at present in China are and must be the concern of every nation in the world which hopes to base its relationships with other nations upon the principles set forth in my statement of July 16. I can see no reason why any and all nations could not take a position with regard to this conflict from the point of view of their own interest in the preservation of peace and the settlement of disputes by peaceful methods.

The foregoing is for your information and guidance. We do not wish to suggest or give the impression that this Government is attempting to take any initiative with regard to the shaping of the action which may be taken by the League. You may, in your talks with any of the representatives of governments in Geneva with whom you may consider it useful to discuss the matter, refer to the principles set forth in my statements of July 16 and August 23 and take the position that these developments are of a nature which would seem to be of concern to all nations rather than to those comprising any particular or special group. You should discreetly foster the idea that this whole question should be dealt with on the broadest possible basis and from the point of view of general world concern and general interest.

Please keep Department fully and currently informed of developments, including conversations.

HULL

793.94/10254: Telegram

The Chargé in the United Kingdom (Johnson) to the Secretary of State

LONDON, September 25, 1937-3 p. m. [Received September 25-11 a. m.]

611. My 606, September 24, 6 p. m.55 Cadogan 56 informed me this morning that while Mr. Eden would not attend the meeting of the League Advisory Committee on Monday 57 that the Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Lord Cranborne, would

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56 Sir Alexander M. G. Cadogan, British Deputy Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

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be there and that they were very desirous that some sort of resolution deploring Japanese action in China on grounds of international morality might be quickly produced. Cadogan seemed to feel that such a resolution might have a beneficial effect on the Japanese. He also mentioned demonstrations which took place before the Japanese Embassy last night and the night before and said that as long as they did not get out of hand he could not say that he was sorry that they took place as he believed that such an indication of honest indignation on the part of certain private citizens might make an impression on the Japanese.

He said that they are keeping Berlin as well as Paris and ourselves informed of their various representations at Tokyo.

He had no further specific information, he said, but he mentioned the growing disgust and horror in this country at the indiscriminate slaughter of inoffensive civilians by the Japanese and I gather that the Foreign Office deplores that there is nothing apparently which can be done to stop it.

JOHNSON

793.94/10265: Telegram

The Minister in Switzerland (Harrison) to the Secretary of State

GENEVA, September 25, 1937-6 p. m. [Received September 25-2: 26 p. m.]

8. The body of the reply by the Japanese Government dated today at Tokyo to the Advisory Committee's invitation reads:

"The maintenance of peace in eastern Asia by harmonius co-operation between Japan and China is the aim which the Imperial Government has always had before it and to which it has devoted every effort. The Chinese Government has, however, made opposition to Japan and anti-Japanese agitation the bases of its national policy; acts of provocation have continued to be committed throughout its territory, thus bringing about the present unhappy affair. The Japanese Government can therefore only express the hope that the Chinese Government, realizing this state of affairs, will soon change its sentiments.

As regards the settlement of the present affair, the Imperial Government, as it has stated on many occasions, is firmly convinced that a just, equitable and practical solution of the questions concerning Japan and China can be found by the two countries.

Consequently, the Japanese Government, seeing no reason to depart from the line of conduct it has hitherto followed with regard to the political activities of the League of Nations, regrets that it is unable to accept the Advisory Committee's invitation."

HARRISON

793.94/10284: Telegram

The Minister in Switzerland (Harrison) to the Secretary of State

GENEVA, September 27, 1937-3 p. m. [Received September 27-1: 32 p. m.]

9. Your 2, September 24, 7 [6] p. m. Saw Cranborne last evening. Gave him your reply respecting acceptance invitation to sit on subcommittee if set up and explained your views as to proposed membership of subcommittee and desirability that question be dealt with on broadest possible basis. Cranborne said he particularly appreciated this information and was impressed with force thereof.

Chinese, he said, would make statement before subcommittee this afternoon and might themselves propose setting up subcommittee. I said that I had heard that Chinese were going to demand that Japanese be formally declared aggressors. Would this not be first step along road to article 17 which Eden had wished to avoid, see Consulate's 302, September 16, 5 p. m.? What did he think would be terms of reference to subcommittee? Would it be along the lines of general statement of broad principles as contained in your statements of July 16 and August 23 and I mentioned briefly those stated in paragraph 6 of your telegram under reference. He seemed to favor the idea of such a broad general position. It occurred to me, I said, that if subcommittee were merely to carry out directives of full Committee then in that event a small drafting committee might suffice.

Cranborne also said that the Advisory Committee might this afternoon consider some declaration respecting Japanese bombardment of unfortified cities. However, most of meeting would be taken up with Chinese statement and general discussion.

Have seen Delbos. He was, he said, in entire accord with your views but, in private meeting just concluded with the British and Chinese, Koo had insisted on some positive action with a view to restricting shipment of certain raw materials and credit facilities to Japan. They had persuaded Koo not to make demand although Koo would probably touch upon that point in his statement this afternoon. They had agreed to set up the subcommittee where it would be [possible?] that such suggestions should be considered. Delbos explained that subcommittee would expedite work and report in every case to full Committee where final action would be taken. Delbos also told me that if it can be done Koo would propose resolution by Committee condemning Japanese bombardment of undefended towns, that French and British would support such a resolution, that a text would be immediately prepared and voted by the Committee.

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