prodigiously increafed in wealth and power, they would foon be exposed to all their former dangers. For this reafon he returned in all hafte to Rome, where he informed the fenate, "that the defeats "and other misfortunes which had happened to the "Carthaginians, had not fo much drained them "of their forces, as cured them of their folly; and that, in all probability, instead of a weaker, they "had made them a more fkilful and warlike enemy: "that their war with the Numidians was only a "prelude to future combats with the Romans; and "that the late peace was a mere name, for they "confidered it only as a fufpenfion of arms, which "they were willing to avail themselves of, 'till "they had a favourable opportunity to renew the "war."

It is faid that at the conclufion of his fpeech he fhook the lap of his gown, and purposely dropped fome Lybian figs; and when he found the fenators admired them for their fize and beauty, he told them, "that the country where they grew was but three "days fail from Rome." But what is a ftronger inftance of his enmity to Carthage, he never gave his opinion in the fenate upon any other point whatever, without adding these words," and my opinion "is, that Carthage fhould be deftroyed." Scipio, furnamed Nafica, made it a point to maintain the contrary, and concluded all his fpeeches thus, " and

my opinion is, that Carthage should be left stand"ing." It is very likely that this great man, perceiving that the people were come to fuch a pitch of infolence, as to be led by it into the greatest exceffes, (fo that in the pride of profperity they could not be restrained by the fenate, but by their overgrown power were able to draw the government what way they pleafed) thought it beft that Carthage should remain to keep them in awe, and to moderate their prefumption. For he faw that the Carthaginians

were

were not strong enough to conquer the Romans, and yet too refpectable an enemy to be defpifed by them. On the other hand, Cato thought it dangerous, while the people were thus inebriated and giddy with power, to fuffer a city which had always been great, and which was now grown fober and wife through it's misfortunes, to lie watching every advantage against them. It appeared to him, therefore, the wifeft course, to have all outward dangers removed from the commonwealth, that it might be at leisure to guard againft internal corruption *.

Thus Cato, they tell us, occafioned the third and laft war against the Carthaginians. But as foon as it began he died, having firft prophefied of the perfon that should put an end to it; who was then a young man, and had only a tribune's command in the army, but was giving extraordinary proofs of his conduct and valour. The news of thefe exploits being brought to Rome, Cato cried out,

He is the foul of counsel,

The rest are fhadows vain.

This Scipio foon confirmed by his actions.

Cato

So we have rendered the laft member of the fentence, with the Latin, ut ita opportunius intestinis malis medendis vacarent. In the original it is, αναφοράς αυτοις προς τας οίκοθεν άμαρτίας απολιποντας: and one of the fenfes of avapopa is an alleviation, a resource; fo Euripides in Orcf. εσιν ήμιν αναφορα τῆς συμφορας. Yet the former English translator and the French have rendered it very dif ferently: how juftly let the learned reader judge!

The English runs thus, at a time when through their depravity and corruption they had fo many dangers hanging over their heads at home.

The French thus, lorfqu'on lui laiffoit au dedans tous les moyens de fe porter à tous les excès et de commettre les fautes les plus terribles. What led Dacier wrong, was, we fuppofe, his finding it

Tas in the text, in the past time; but it is very clear to us, it should be read was in the prefent.

Cato left one fon by his fecond wife, who, as we have already observed, was furnamed Salonius, and a grandfon by the son of his first wife who died before him. Salonius died in his prætorship, leaving a fon named Marcus, who came to be conful, and was + grandfather to Cato the philofopher, the best and moft illuftrious man of his time.

This is a mistake in Plutarch: for Salonius was the grandfather, and Marcus the father of Cato of Utica.

ARI

ARISTIDES

AND CATO

COMPARE D.

H

AVING thus given a detail of the most memorable actions of thefe great men, if we compare the whole life of the one, with that of the other, it will not be easy to discern the difference between them, the eye being attracted by fo many ftriking resemblances. But if we examine the feveral parts of their lives diftinctly, as we do a poem or a picture, we shall find in the first place, this common to them both, that they rose to high stations and great honour in their respective commonwealths, not by the help of family connections, but merely by their own virtue and abilities. It is true, that when Ariftides raised himself, Athens was not in her grandeur, and the demagogues and chief magiftrates he had to do with, were men of moderate and nearly equal fortunes. For eftates of the highest clafs were then only five hundred medimni; of those of the second order, who were knights, three hundred; and of those of the third order, who were called Zeugite, two hundred. But Cato, from a little village and a country life, launched into the Rcman government, as into a boundless ocean, at a time when it was not conducted by the Curii, the Fabricii and Hoftilii, nor received for its magiftrates and orators, men of narrow circumftances who worked with their own hands, from the plough and the fpade, but was accuftomed to regard greatness of family, opulence, diftributions among the people, and fervility in courting their favour; for the Ro

mans,

mans, elated with their power and importance, loved to humble those that stood for the great offices of state. And it was not the fame thing to be rivaled by a Themiftocles, who was neither diftinguished by birth nor fortune, (for he is faid not to have been worth more than three, or, at the most, five talents, when he first applied himfelf to public affairs,) as to have to conteft with a Scipio Africanus, a Servius Galba, or a Quintius Flaminius, without any other affiftance or fupport, but a tongue accustomed to speak with freedom in the cause of juftice.

Besides, Ariftides was only one among ten, that commanded at Marathon and Platææ, whereas Cato was chofen one of the two confuls, from a number of competitors, and one of the two cenfors, though opposed by feven candidates, who were fome of the greatest and most illuftrious men in Rome.

It should be observed too, that Ariftides was never principal in any action; for Miltiades had the chief honour of the victory at Marathon; Themiftocles of that at Salamis; and the palm of the important day at Platææ, as Herodotus tells us, was adjudged to Paufanias. Nay, even the fecond place was difputed with Ariftides, by Sophanes, Aminias, Callimachus and Cynægirus, who greatly distinguished themselves on that occafion.

On the other hand, Cato not only stood first in courage and conduct, during his own confulate, and in the war with Spain; but when he acted at Thermopylæ, only as a tribune, under the aufpices of another, he gained the glory of the victory: for he it was that unlocked the pass for the Romans to rush upon Antiochus, and that brought the war upon the back of the king, who minded only what was before him. That victory, which was manifeftly the work of Cato, drove Afia out of Greece, and opened