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fects of free remarks towards the removal of an abuse. Although Wm. Cobbett remains in Newgate, sol diers will be benefited by the attention he has excited to their case. Wretched would be the state of that country, in which the people should become so sunk in apathy, and pusilanimity, that a few generous spirits would not be found nobly daring to speak truths at the risk of personal inconvenience, when the many are so absorbed in selfish views as to disregard the general welfare. To speak plainly, we fear, that with a very few virtuous exceptions, such is nearly the degraded state of these countries. In such a crisis, the friends of freedom should not suffer the victims of power to sink, for by a liberal support to the sufferers, they can best aid the freedom of the press. On this principle the subscription for Peter Finnerty was recommended in the last retrospect. We refer to the documents at the

close of this article, for the state of the subscription, and if we are to calculate the scale of public spirit, by the present amount of the subscription, we regret to perceive that the graduation of the political ba

rometer is so low.

A strong instance of the good effects of conciliation being exercised towards all classes, is exemplified in the history of Henry IV. of France, justly entitled in some respects to the character of the Great, and his faithful minister the Duke of Sully. How unlike was their conduct, bottomed on the firm principles of conciliation and mild rule, to the narrow and timid views of modern statesGreat minds grant nobly; but little minds do not become great by their elevation, and like "pig. mies placed on pyramids," they retain their original insignificance. They never abandon the minutiæ of office, or rule a nation by gaining their affections. Lifferent indeed would

men.

have been the course of happiness during the last fifty years, if the lat ter principle had swayed the public counsels. But a narrow, selfish, unenlightened policy prevailed; first producing a pitiful opposition to popular feeling in the case of Wilkes, and in similar transactions of that day; then rousing the Americans to successful resistance, and introducing all the miseries we are now suffering, from an injudicious interference in the affairs of France, and a hatred to liberty. They still go on in this system of exclusion and petty irritation, which lately dictated the letter from the Irish Secretary in relation to the catholic committee. A wise policy would adopt conciliation, and abstain from all improper causes of quarrels, or advancing with affected vigour, and suddenly retracting with the levity of feeble and ill-weighed counsels.

The catholics at a late aggregate meeting in Dublin, have agreed on

a warm and affectionate address to the Prince Regent, and appointed a large deputation to present it to him. This measure is clogged with a second address to be presented by the same committee, praying for inquiry into the conduct of the Duke of Richmond, and Secretary Pole, and for their dismissal from office. In the situa tion in which the Regent retains the present ministry in office, not as confidential servants, but merely as agents, for the king, until the probability of his recovery is ascertained, it is not to be expected that the Prince can act in a manner congenial to his feelings in removing the Irish part of the administration. It does not appear prudent to have offered to him such a dilemma.

We cannot help noticing the intended publication of a News-paper, by the title of "the Dublin Evening Express," which, in the prospectus, it is declared, will be

authentically Catholic, addressed, in an especial manner, to CATHOLIC IRELAND, and foretelling "that the long reserved destinies of good old Catholic Ireland will, at last, issue forth in mightiness to save the Einpire, and in saving the Empire, to atchieve, perhaps the deliverance of the christian world."

Now we feel much inclined to question the propriety or expediency of such a publication, inasmuch as we fear it will co-operate with the errors, the follies, and the crimes of past and present administration, in perpetuating a distinctaess; a separating instead of an associating spirit; and a system of exclusion instead of assimilation. If protestant bigotry be desirous to drive down the stakes of a new PALE in Ireland, let not the Catholics be busied on their side, in the very same employment; but rather approve their liberality and wish to anticipate, complete emancipation, by mixing as much as possible with their protestant brethren; and not fall back, of themselves, into a sullen and suspicious seclusion. It is only from the time they began to coalesce with their fellow citizens, that they may date their deliverance from mental bondage, the first and great step to that complete emancipation, which we desire from our hearts, and in our prayers to that God whom we mutually adore.

Far from reproaching, we honour them for their attachment to their ancient, though not the most ancient mode of christianity. We do not stop to consider how far their belief in the necessity of one invariable religion (the SEMPER EADEM, fascinating, and fallacious words), is consistent with the knowledge of human nature, or practicable in its practice. But abstracting, as we do all religious, consideration, in subjects purely political, We request them to keep as much

as possible their religion to themselves, and they will get still faster forward in their pursuit of a due share of political POWER. We have the same right, and we think a better privilege to call it PROTESTANT Ireland, than they have to call it, exclusively, CATHOLIC Ireland. Let it be ever, and only known as IRISHMAN's Ireland, and that will be a designation sufliciently descriptive, without throwing over the whole country, any encroaching denomination, or subdivision of christianity.

We neither wish for exclusive catholicism, nor for exclusive protestantism, either of which is, no doubt, ready and willing to disguise political domination under the pretext of a necessary religi ous ascendancy; and we deprecate a certain disposition we cannot help observing, of mixing and confounding politics with religion, a most deceitful and dangerous propensity, which gradually leads to proselyting, and from thence progressively to persecution.

The following sentence, in the latter part of it, has somewhat of this tendency, and we think might have been omitted, in the prospectus of a periodical political publication. "By the religious acceptation of the term Catholic, we mean the defence and support to the very utmost of speech, and life, of the pure and rightful authorities, from whom the religious Catholicism of Ireland emanates, that is to say, the Catholic church in Ireland, the only portion of European Christendom, in which those three illustrious, propositions concur; that to this day, it has neither varied its faith, nor been dislodged from its soil, nor silenced by the fraud or force of tyrants."

In short, we relish every thing that would include Irishmen of all persuasions in the constitution, but nothing of an exclusive, and exclud

ing nature or tendency, not even an exclusive Catholic News-paper, which may dissociate the minds of fellow citizens, by an undue and untimely glorifying of one religious persuasion, and the consequent unjust undervaluing of others, who believe in the same God, and trust in the same redeemer. Instead of a separative system, we wish for a consonance of the protestant and catholic in the cause of Irish emancipation, and instead of secluding itself in exclusive publications, the Catholic MIND Would be much be nefitted by travel. By going abroad in our common country, it would learn the value of other modes of faith, without undervaluing its own; and by forming a just estimate of human nature, prepare itself for the modest, and moderate enjoyment of that emancipation which it now pursues with becoming, ardour, but the possession of which would prove a vial of divine vengeance poured out upon the nation, if used at any future time, to set up one political or religious dominancy instead of another.

The Catholics have had a long apprenticeship of suffering from the improvident and iniquitous policy of past times, and thus have been severely lessoned into the uses, and abuses of liberty. Of late years they have, however, been much indebted to the liberality of protestant genius and literature, and on many accounts, we think they should not cease, most carefully, and unremittingly to cultivate this liberal turn of mind, particularly in Great Britain, where poison has been so long distilled into the public ear on the Catholic question. It is not for us to point out the different means of accomplishing this end, but we will venture to suggest whether the judicious and well discriminated distribution of MEDALLIONS, with devices and inscriptions elegantly expressiye

of CATHOLIC GRATITUDE to PROTES TANT LIBERALITY, might not be a delicate, way of discharging a debt, not to be repaid by that sort of remuneration, which makes both parties suspected of selfish purposes, but more honourably compensated by an adoption into this new ORDER OF MERIT, instituted by and for the people. people. A subject of this kind would be well worthy of the consideration of the Catholic committee, or if such things must always be conceived, and brought forth in the midst of eating and drinking, we see no good reason, why, at their next festive meeting, an EMANCIPATION CLUB, should not be formed, bottomed on a broader and more solid basis, than that of the defunct Whig Club, where the Protestant and Catholic should sit alternately, and a Catholic and Protestant chairman be elected in their turn. What ever may be the fate of this proposal, under the administration of Mr. Pole, we do not hesitate to dissuade the Catholics from resting entirely on their own efforts, whether literary or otherwise, in the maturation of their business. If ever this business should become purely, and exclusively Catholic, let them depend upon our prophetic words, it will fail. It is truly a Protestant as well as a Catholic concern, and it is their duty to prove it such, by their cordiality, their open and generous confidence, and their unceasing endeavours to conciliate every branch of the protestant community either here, or in Great Britain. We, as protestants see no reason for not subscribing to what once was the Catholic motto.-" Pro Deo, Rege, et Patria Hibernia, unani

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A plan of systematic deception has long prevailed in the manner of conducting the periodical press. Hence great caution is necessary in giving credit to the reports circulated in the newspapers. Conducted

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as they are at present, they are powerful engines in the hands of government, most of them being either directly or indirectly under undue influence. Some are directly in the pay of the treasury, others more remotely, by being inore especially favoured with the insertion of the proclamations of government. Timidity influences others, when they sce that every exertion is used by severity of prosecution to terrify those who cannot be bought. When untoward events can be no longer concealed, and they are at length avowed, they are often accompanied by a set off of some fallacious account, vamped up for the purpose of turning off public attention, or raising false hopes in another quarter. Falseboods are fabricated at some principal workshop in London, or in certain cases imported from the continent, the manufacture of agents kept especially for the purpose at Lisbon, Cadiz, Hamburgh, &c. Hence we have the numerous letters from the armies, the absurd paragraphs in foreign journals, the accounts of the starvation of the French in Portugal, and other tales of equal authenticity. The people are duped, and one lie succeeds another. Provincial papers give a ready currency to those unauthentic rumours, and a race is run by the respective proprietors, who shall succeed best in securing the largest share in the favours of government. One of the latest of those rumours is the frequently repeated story of a rupture between Russia and France.

Perhaps some ministers may be so foolish as to have emissaries at work to stir up another continental coalition. It is not probable they will be able to succeed. Former experience may deter the northern powers from trying another fatal experiment; but if such plans suçeeed, and Alexander should once more

meet in hostile array the legions of France with the hordes of Russia, there is no good ground to believe that the issue of another coalition would be different from the events of former ones; France would be further aggrandized, and Russia weakened, if not totally prostrated.

But George Canning in a late speech, has given us a clue to unravel these crooked plans; "The chances of war may do something for us!"-Alas! thus have statesmen gone on from year to year, trusting to chances, which have in the end almost entirely turned against them. They have been unsuccessful and desperate gamesters, doubling the stake, and still losers. Britain has through bad policy been eminently disappointed in her schemes, but proud under misfortunes and preserving, hauteur in adversity, she still exposes herself to ridicule by the arro, gance of her pretensions, and what was badly brooked in the plenitude of her power, is now still less like ly to be patiently submitted to by nations, who view her as fallen from her high estate. Whether they are mistaken or not in their suppositions yet remains to be demonstrated by time, but if a wiser system is not speedily adopted, and if reform in all departments is longer neglected, the prospects are not promising,

The negociations with the United States of America are interrupted, if not broken off by the departure of the American ambassador, who was ordered to return, if certain conditions were not complied with. It is difficult to calculate how America will act, pressed as she is by the schemes and pretensions of the two great belligerent nations. If France without reserve give up her decrees, as far as America is concerned, the scale will probably preponderate in favour of France, against Britain, who refuses to rescind her orders

in council, or give up the claim of enforcing fictitious blockades, or searching neutral vessels for British seamen. The people of the American States unwisely suffer themselves to be divided into parties, one in favour of France, and the other of England, and in their free government, a distraction of counsels is thus produced by the popular voice taking opposite sides. Unlike some older governments, the rulers appear to be more enlightened than the people. They act so as to be neither of the French nor English party, but of a party purely American, and with whom American interests have a decided preponderance. They are much perplexed to steer clear of the impositions of the European nations, and to hold up the balance of justice, between the contending parties at home. Theirs is a situation of great difficulty.

Two millions* are this year voted for the support of the Portuguese army. In former years only one million had been granted. In almost

These two millions at the present price of bullion, it is said will cost an addition of £600,000 before they can be remitted to the continent. The agents of government are now purchasing rather on lower terms, by buying guineas on the Change of Belfast, but this supply cannot last long. The shock of the finances is advancing by hasty strides. The bank-tokens in England are raised from 5s, to 5s. 6d. The monied men show no dispotion to fund the whole amount of the exchequer-bills, as the chancellor proposed. Thus the loan already enormously great, and which must be made on very disadvantageous terms, is likely to be further increased, while the bank of England now exceeds their issues at this period of last year by an addition of notes amounting to £2,000,000, although they have abridged their discounts to merchants. The discount on omnium, on the last loan, has increased to 7 and 7 per cent. This is a bad omen for the success of borrowing, under such circumstances. The Chancellor of the Exchequer must raise money on very disadvantageous terms.

every case, we have to meet increased expences with diminished

means.

The war seems now turned from active exertion and fighting, into a contest between the hostile parties, of long suffering and patience, under various privations, Frederic used to say he inade more conquests by bis soldiers legs, than by their arms. The appeal seems now to be made to the stomach, and the trial is, which of the parties can best bear hunger. Indeed the martial war is now become merely a supplement to the commercial war, and if it be practicable for Bonaparte, (of which there is great reason to doubi) to keep the whole European coast, as it were iron-bound, against the entrance of all articles of English manufacture, or colonial produce, för a length of time, the temporary as sistance given by government will not prove essentially serviceable, in the event, to the commercial inte

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Indeed the great difference between our plans, and those of the enemy are, that his appear to be systematic, and have a constant relation to a long future, while those of our ministry are fortuitous, and desultory, depending on the chapter of accidents, upon a successful intrigue in foreign courts, upon isting circumstances," aud measures of the day, against a deep laid scheme of diverting the customary channels of commerce into a new direction, which certainly will re quire time to take effect, but on that very account, may become the more perduring. It really appears that the war, as now carried on, is made a mere stalking horse, a masque for the more ellectual prosecution of the plan for establishing European, upon the ruin of British

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