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1st. That the late manly and able effort of Mr. Finnerty, in the Court of King's Bench, to vindicate the Liberty of the Press, and maintain the best rights of Englishinen, deserves our warnest thanks.

2d. That in consequence thereof, and of his removal from his business and connections, by the sentence of the court to the distant jail of Lincoln, it is proper and necessary that a Public Subscription be instituted to defray the expences he has been compelled to incur by the prosecution, at the instigation of Lord Castlereagh, and in collecting evidence in Ireland, and also to provide for his support.

Sd. That the following gentlemen be requested to form a committee (with power to add to their numbers), to manage the Subscription, and defray the expenses attendant thereon; and likewise to appoint two proper persons as trustees, by whom, in conjunction with the committee, the monies collected shall be disposed of in whatever way may appear to them most beneficial to Mr. Finnerty.

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stating their views, and of confessing their principles. Beyond the merit of this declaration, they will not feign titles to notice; nor prematurely urge any claim which they may possess. As to labouring to enhance this merit, by a contrast with existing prints, they have only to mention, that their plan supersedes, and their opinion rejects so paltry and invidious an aid.

But still for him who comes forward soliciting the attention of a community, and appealing to its free choice, it is not so properly a right, as it is a duty, to manifest, at the very outset, the leading maxims he will follow; to what object his ambition impels him, and by what motives and what length of enterprize he will venture, in the pursuit. He is called upon to furnish a standard, by which his future services shall be ascertained, or his apostacy may be reproved: but, most of all, he should proclaim by what rules and limits he will administer that power, into which he desires to be admitted. These observations, always important, apply with supreme force to the conductors of a public print, of which the range must be either widely beneficial, or widely desolating to society. A free Press, honestly and purely employed, if popularly supported, is the proof of a nation at once independent and good. It hastens the march of civilization by its rapid facilities of intercourse; it arms the spirited morality of a people, in defence of the most humble right that may be assailed by the greatest pow


This same freedom, when venally usurped and brutally misused, does nothing less than transfer the sceptre of pow er and the authority of opinion, from the laws, and from the virtuous, to the hired

A request to insert the following Prospectus is exterminator of both, and, with both of

most readily grant d.


On Tuesday 30th day of April, 1811, will be published the first number of

THE DUBLIN EVENING EXPRESS. Days of publication-Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays."


THE candidate for public favor has been accustomed, since the earliest time, to do the honors of his own introduction. This task he generally accomplishes, by exalting his pretensions, by avowing his party, and by remarking on those whose competition he fears, or whose possession he seeks to disturb. Of this old established system, the conductors of the DUBLIN EVENING EXPRESS will but adopt the part of frankly


these, of all that they shelter or ennoble. An unprincipled Press is a common poi-. soner of the necessary elements to liberty and life, of the circulating air and public water springs. It feigns a thousand crimes, and it exasperates all miseries: it stands as the ready handmaid of decried, incapable men, to avenge their bad cause upon mankind, by demolishing all character, because for them it is lost, and by undermining all eminence, because for them it is unattainable.

The proprietors of the DUBLIN EVENING EXPRESS are willing and anxious to make it known, that the complexion of their print shall be CATHOLIC in every reasonable sense of the word, political, patriotic, religious. They add, that their mo


tives of decision in this respect, are not only beyond the consideration of present success, but are above all selfish views, and all possibility, as they trust, of comprorise or change.

Lest the fairness of this acknowledgement should be misunderstood, and their principles be accused of bigotry, which is a malignant selfishness, connecting itself with religious opinion, capriciously adopted, the conductors of the DUBLIN EVENING PXPRESS will state, that, by the political sense of Catholic, they exclusively mean that comprehensive and humane justice, which pleads imperiously, not for the Irish Roman Catholic cause alone, but, for that of every human being who is capable of social freedom, and is ready for social offres; that, by the patriotic sense of the word, they understand the peculiar application of this justice to the Irish National cause, as such by the religions acceptation, the defence and support, to the very utmost of speech and life, of the pure and rightful authorities, from whom the religious Catholic'sm of Ireland emanates; that is to say, the Catholic Church in Ireland, the only portion of European Christendom, in which these three illustrious properties concur; that to this day it has neither varied its faith, ner been dislodged from its soil, ner silenced by the fraud or force of


In the fulness of honest ardeur, or the delusion of a favourite object, the conductors of the prBLIN EVENING EXPRESS, may possibly overrate the importance of their • design, when they consider it an un dertaking slutary to the commonweal. The general feeling, however, in Ireland, has intimated that they are stationed on a post never heretofore properly manned, and selvom defended. To this post they will adhere to the last: and, if perseverance en do aught with humble means, they fear not even the catastrophe of a forlorn hope to Catholic Ireland.

A few words will be enough to repre sent the advantages which as well Protes tants as Catholics will derive from a paper authentically Catholic. It would be indecorous

and ungrateful to undervalue the generous interposition of other kish prints, occasionally shown in behalf of our cause. Far from such ingratitude, the DUBLIN EVENING EXPRESS will use its first endeavours in exercising hospitality, and proving its gratitude to these liberal publications. But however grate

ful the conductors of the DUBLIN EVEN

ING EXPRESS feel for such exertions, they cannot admit that they have been, or could be adequate to a triumphant defence of the Catholic cause. They were the production of minds necessarily prejudiced, to a certain degree, against us, and so far deficient in a thorough acquaintance with our principles, as to have frequently sunk beneath the torrents of sophistry, and ridicule; of abuse and fabrication unremittingly issuing from presses subsidized to slander and put down the great cause of Ireland. We have been defended by our Protestant friends on such grounds as our pride and the justice of our cause must reject. Our honoured allies have cast the shield over us, as in pity; protecting us rather as culprits seeking forgiveness and adoption, than as men entitled to the rights of liberty and nature; without always remembering from what height we fell, and for what cause. It would seem as if the Irish Catholic were some stranger cast fortuitously on our shores, and claiming as a boon, his naturalization. idea seems to have struck its roots so deep ly into the mind of the Protestant, that he habitually considers our emancipation, rather as a matter of favor than of resitution and indispensible justice: so that of Protestant liberal prints, as well as of Protestant liberal statesmen, some of the most courteous have latterly advocated our cause, under the condition that we shall purchase our freedom; and that too, at the expense of the best interest of our religion."


Another and perhaps a more sensible advantage will redound to the public good, from the open and marked expression of Catholic sentiment. Believing as they do, that there exists a mass of latent knowledge amongst the Catholics of Ireland; and that to call forth this intelligence, nothing more is wanted than opportunity and invitation, the conductors of the DUBIIN EVENING PXPRESS, flatter themselves that from the pages of their journal, some happy light may dawn for the reconciliation of all honest parties, in the hallowed temple of British Freedom, and that the long reserved destinies of good old Ctholic Ireland, will at last issue forth in mightiness to save the Empire: and in saving the Empire, to achieve perhaps the deliverance of the christian world.

An object dear to the feelings of the good, and therefore not only dear, but most important to the conductors of the DUBLIN EVENING EXRESS, is the unusia y

of all parties and families in our common country. This unanimity is only to be obtained by adhering to some fixed point of authority, or fixed principle of action.Under this conviction and feeling, we incline strongly to the necessity of pursu ing the Catholic cause, by the legal and manly course of appeal to the imperial legislature.

The conductors of the DUBLIN EVENING EXPRESS, are not so far presuming on their own zeal or project as to imagine, that the execution of their idea will keep pace with its grandeur. They are fully sensible, that it will fall short of their ideas of perforinance, how much more of their wishes! Yet to this much they freely will stand pledged, that they will endeavour sincerely and with clean hands that the Catholic cause, if not advanced, shall not be encumbered for their profit, or by their crime: that they will neither abet oppression by declamations against riot, nor disease the humblest and most valuable class, by suggestions of mutiny and rapine. They do not, after all, so far undervalue themselves, as to suppose it necessary to state, that from the impurity of libel, and of private revenge, their print shall be ever free.

The selections from British Newspapers shall be made impartially, and solely of articles which demand insertion. To cull out partial rumours, would be at any time unfair, but at the present would be criminal; because the average of hopes and fears is the ordinary and most impressive guide of political calculation.

The domestic correspondence shall be more abundant and better vouched for, than heretofore was usual.

Of literature and science, as well indigenous as transmarine, the conductors hope, from their arrangements to be able to present the earliest representation.

Such are the titles which The DUBLIN EVENING EXPRESS submits to Irish patronage. If meritorious, they command encouragement: if judged unworthy or unacceptable, they are, notwithstanding, such in the mind of the conductors, as will save their own disappointment from self-reproach, and from the ignominy of defeat for the Proprietors of The DUBLIN EVENING EXPRESS consider the present address, as the argument of a struggle in behalf of a great, good, and latterly betrayed cause. Should they be repulsed by public favour, they will not despond for the country. They are faith

ful Irishmen—“ But Sparta has many bettor


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The first Number of this Paper will be published on Tuesday the 30th of April, at No. 2, Church-lane, College Green, Dublin. The Conductors beg to solicit the support of the Catholics of Ulster, in favor of a Print established on the avowed principle of supporting the claims and upholding the character of the Catholics of Ireland. Subscriptions will be received by Mr. H. Murney, Ann-street, and by J. Smyth, 115, High-street, Belfast.-Terms, 1 2 9 for four months, to be paid in

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for, by the past year having been one of considerable distress among the poor, and by the enlarged opportunity of instruction afforded by the Daily School, which induces many who went formerly only one day in the week, now to go six; and the latter arises from a more regular attendance having been required this year than the last, in consequence of which, several whose names had long remained on the books, but who seldom attended, were struck off. Thus there is rather an in crease in the number of attending scholars, in proportion to the numbers on the books, -and education, in this department, proceeds with better discipline and more effect than before.

The numbers in the Daily School, it will be seen, are nearly as great as last year, the deficiency is principally in the female part; the cause of this, it is supposed, has been ascertained, and steps are taking to remedy it. It was found that instruction in reading and writing, sewing and knitting, was not sufficient to induce the female children to attend the school for any length of time; for as they improved, a more enlarged sphere of occupation was wanting means are taking to provide this; another work-mistress, better skilled in cutting out and directing various sorts of work, is engaged, and will take charge of that department on the first of Janua ry; and it is proposed to give the children a portion of their earnings in clothes made at the school, or in money, as the committee shall think best. This, they hope, will increase the numbers, and consequently give greater opportunity of bencfiting, and more usefully fitting for society, the female children of the poor, than which no object can be more interesting.

The accustomed zeal on the part of the teachers has not relaxed, and the general good conduct of the scholars, attending both schools, is undiminished; good order, cleanliness, and proper demeanour, continued to be attended to, and to increase as the system ripens; which, with the pure spirit of chri tianity inculcated by the daily reading of the Scriptures will, the committee trust, be the means of amending and improving the condition of the poor, and of making them happier and better.

The funds it will be seen are deficient, notwithstanding the closest attention to economy; means are taking, however, gradually to contract the expenditure where

the interest of the schools will permit, but in the mean time the committee are auxiously desirous to be out of debt, that the portion of time and attention which they are enabled to bestow, may not be occupied in finding means of support, when all they can spare is so requisite to maintain and uphold with vigour and effect the important details connected with this great national object. They do therefore most earnestly call upon the public for support, and particularly on that part of it whose rank or fortune place them in a situation from the enjoyments of which, they are not disposed to spare any part of their time. Yet whose rank or fortune, and certainly whose happiness, are secured to them in a greater degree, by the education of the poor, than by any other way in which their means can be applied.

To visit the schools, and suggest improvements is considered a most acceptable service, and the committee intreat the well disposed may do so.

The Bank of the Right Honorable David La Touche, and Co. will receive subscriptions, and also any member of the committee, who are for the present year, as follows:

Edward Allen, Upper Bridge-street.
William Barrington, Math-street.
Samuel Bewley, Meath-street.
Stephen Dalton, Coombe.
William English, Meath-street.
Robert Fayle, Thomas-street.
Joshua Fayle, Harold's-cross.
Corry Fowler, Suffolk-street.
Thomas Gibbins, Meath-street.
Arthur Guinness, Rutland-square.
William L. Guinness, James'-gate.
William Harding, L. Mount-street.
John Hore, North Great Georges'-street.
John David La Touche, L. Mount-st.
Peter La Touche, jun. Stephen's-green.
James Digges La Touche Sans Souci.
George Maquay, Stephen's-green.
Alexander Maguire, North King-street.
Thos. Herbert Orpen, S. Frederick-street.
William Todhunter, Holles-stresi.


The committee for managing the application of parliament have much satisfaction in stating the progress of the petition. Sir Samuel Romilly thus writes :—

Lincoln's-Inn, February 26, 1811 Sir-I received on Saturday last, the petition of the proprietors of bleachgreens in the North of Ireland, which you caus

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The committee likewise received the following letters:

London, February, 25, 1811. SIR.I have received this morning the copy which you have done me the honour to send me, of the resolutions and petition of the proprietors of bleachgreens held in Belfast-and as I entirely agree in opinion with the gentlemen of that meeting upon the subject of their petition to the house of Commons, and consider the expression of their sentiments in this manner as a very important testimony in favour of Sir Samuel Romilly's bills, I beg leave to assure you, that the petition, and any mea sure in parliament founded upon it, shall have my decided support.

I have the honour to be, Sir,

Your obedient humble Servant,


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