man for thirteen months, including the ordnance for fea service. But this did not pass without great debates.

On the 31st, his Majesty having laid before the House copies of the treaties with Spain and Bavaria, as mentioned in his speech, the Commons proceede ed on the High-Bailiff's complaint againft Mr. Crowle, and, after examination of witnesses, found him guilty of the charge; and ordered him to be reprimanded upon his knees by the Speaker, and difcharged. But not without a division of 181 against 129.

On the ist of February, Mr. Gibson, being found guilty of an high contempt of the authority and privileges of this House, by reflecting on the proceedings of the Commons and of the Legilature, was ordered to be committed prifoner to Newgate, after a divisi on of 214 againft 63.

1

On the 5th, it was refolved to employ 18,857 land forces for the year 1751, including 1815 invalids, and commiffion and non-commission Officers.

That 612,315 1.7 s. 11 d. be al lowed for their maintenance.

That 64,000 1. be granted for reduced land and marine Officers.

That 62,567 1. 2 s. 6 d. be granted for outpenfioners of Chelsea-Hospital. That 3,310 1. be granted for Offi

cers widows.

That 4,747 1. 15 s. 10 d. be granted for reduced and fuperannuated Officers. All for the year 1751 only.

On the 6th, the honourable Alexander Murray, being allowed Council, was called to the bar, and heard a gainst the charge of the High-Bailiff. But it appearing upon evidence, that he,in a menacing and infulting manner, attended by a mob to the house of Mr. Baldwin, the Deputy High-Bailiff, declared, that he and a thousand more had sworn, that the High-Bailiff should make his return in the middle of Covent Garden; that, immediately after the faid return was made, the faid Alexander Murray did appear at the head of a mob, near the place where the return was made, and, while the returning Officer was in the vestry, did

then utter words, exciting and inflaming the said mob to assault and murder the returning Officer; and that afterwards, as the returning Officer was going away, the said Alexander Murray, perfevering in his wicked purposes, did, at the head of the faid mob, incite them to acts of violence, saying with imprecations, Will no body knock the dog down? Will no body kill the dog? It was refolved he should be committed to Newgate, on a division of 169 against 52, and ordered to receive his fentence at the bar of the House upon his knees, on a division of 163 against 40. And the faid Alexander Murray, in an infolent and audacious manner, absolutely refusing to be upon his knees, as required, it was farther refolved, that he was thereby guilty of a high and most dangerous contempt of the authority and privilege of this House: that he should be committed close prisoner to Newgate, and not allowed, pen, ink, nor paper, and that no person should be admitted to have access to him without leave of

this House.

On the 8th, it was refolved to continue the duties on malt, mum, cyder, and perry, from the 23d of June 1751 to the 24th of June 1752; and to pass the bill for naturalizing John Liotard and Daniel Richard.

On the 11th, it was resolved to grant 236,420 1. 18 s. 6d. for the garrisons and forces in the Plantations, Minorca, and Gibraltar: and 16,000 1. for the pay of general and staff Offi. cers in the land fervice in 1751

On the 12th, it was refolved to pass the bill for naturalizing Chriftopher Jacob Krauter; and Sir George Vandeput, Bart. was permitted to withdraw his petition, as also that of the city of Westminster, at their own request.

On the 14th, it was resolved to grant 290,302 1.7 s. 10d, for the ordinary of the navy, including half-pay to Seaofficers for 1751.

10,000 1. for Greenwich Hospital in 1751. 140,257 1. for building and repairing thips in 1751.

:

190,1501. for the office of ord

nance in the land service 1751.

1,669 1. for extra expences in ditto, not provided for by Parliament. Mr. Nugent presented a bill for naturalizing foreign Protestants.

On the 15th, the Commons passed the malt-bill, and at his most humble petition discharged John Gibson from Newgate, after he had received a reprimand at the bar of the House from the Speaker.

On the 18th, it was resolved, that the land-tax should be 3 s. in the pound for the year 1751. And it was agreed to accept the fum of 1,026,476 1. 4 s. 6 d. from the Bank to pay off the unfubscribed annuities and Exchequer orders.

On the 19th, it was resolved, that 2,325,023 1. 78. 11 d. be granted to redeem and pay off such old and new South Sea annuities as have not been fubfcribed.

On the 20th, the city of London petitioned against the general naturalization bill, pointing out the mischiefs, which they apprehended would flow from fuch a bill both to church and Rate, and to the trade and navigation of this kingdom. And, on the 21st, the faid city presented another petition, fetting forth, that it was with the deepeft concern the Petitioners observe the common, habitual, and excessive ufe of spirituous liquors, which prevails among the lower rank of people, to a degree unknown to any former times; and that this scandalous and pernicious practice is not only a reproach to our religion and civil polity, but deftroys the health, ftrength, and industry of the poor of both sexes, and of all ages; inflames them with rage and barbarity, and occasions frequent robberies and murders in the streets and avenues of this metropolis: and what is. yet a more affecting circumstance, the Petitioners have the greatest reason to apprehend, that it must unavoidably tend to prevent a fupply of a most useful class of his Majesty's fubjects, and thereby threaten destruction to the trade, navigation, and power of this kingdom; and praying the House to

It was this day resolved to grant 2,100,000 1. to be raised by lottery, at three per cent. to be charged on the sinking fund, redeemable by Parlia ment.

On the 25th, it was resolved to grant 30,000 1. to make good the engagements with the Elector of Bavaria.

6,461 1. 1 s. 1 d. to make good the deficiency of the additional stamp duties, at Christmas 1749.

35,000 1. to pay the interest of 1,000,000 1. lent at 3 per cent. on the salt duty.

7,880 1. 17 s. 1 d. for the deficiency of the duty on licences for retailing spirituous liquors, at Lady-day 1750.

12,534 1. 2s. od. for the deficiency of the duty of 12 s. per barrel on sweets, at Michaelmas 1750.

4,592 1. 16 s. 9 d. for the deficiency of the additional duties on wines, at Midsummer 1750.

30,422 1. 6 s. 3 d. for the deficiency of the duties on glass and spirituous liquors, at Midsummer 1750.

70,097 1. 148. 8 d. for the deficiency of the rates and duties on houses, windows and lights, at Michaelmas 1750.

42,5591. 12 s. 7 d. for the deficiency of the fubfidy of poundage upon goods imported fince the first of March 1747.

On the 28th, it was resolved, that his Majesty be enabled to borrow 225,023 1. 11 s. 7 d. of the sinking fund, at threel. per cent. towards raifing the supply of his Majesty. And the same day the debates ran very high upon the second reading of the general naturalization bill.

On the first of March, the Commons passed the bill for raising money by lotteries and annuities: the bill to enable John Heath, Efq; to take and use the firname and arms of Duke: and the bill for the better regulation of trials by Jury; and for enlarging the time for trials by nifi prius in the county of Middlesex, in which it is enacted, that, from and after the first day of

Eafter

:

Eafter-term 1751, the person or party, who shall apply for special Juries, shall not only bear and pay the fees for striking such Jury, but shall also pay and difcharge all the expences occafioned by the trial of the cause by fuch special Jury, and shall not have any farther or other allowance for the fame, upon taxation of cofts, than such perfon or party would be intitled unto, in case the cause had been tried by a common Jury: except the Judge does certify upon the back of the record with his own hand, that the fame was a cause proper to be tried by a special Jury. And that no special Juryman shall be allowed, or take for ferving on fuch Jury, more than the Judge before whom the cause is tried shall think just and reasonable, and that not to exceed the fum of 11. 1 5.0 d. except in causes wherein a view is directed.

It also enacts, that every venire facias, for the trial of any issue in any action or information upon any penal statute, shall be awarded of the body of the proper county where fuch issue

is triable: and that no challenge shall henceforth be taken to any pannel of Jurors, for want of a Knight's being returned in a pannel, in trials where a Peer or Lord of Parliament is a party, nor any array quashed by reason of any such challenge taken.

And it farther enacteth, that, from and after the first day of Eafter-term 1751, it shall and may be lawful for the Chief Justices, and the Chief Baron of the Exchequer, and in their abfence for any other Judge or Baron, as Justices of nifi prius for the county of Middlesex, at any time or times within the space of 14 days, and the end of any term respectively, to try all fuch issues as they, or any of them, are impowered by an act of the 18th of Q. Elifabeth, intitled an act for trial of nifi prius in the county of Middlesex; and by another act of 12 George I. intitled an act for the better regulating trials by nisi prius in the county of Middlesex.

[To be continued.]

T

HE

The Reign of

scene we are now entering upon will appear vastly different from that under the late reign. Instead of an uninterrupted, pleasing harmony of government, we shall meet with a perpetual, jarring dissonance; instead of success and glory abroad, disappointment and contempt; instead of fatisfaction, profperity, and union at home, discontent, distress, and, at last, civil war will present themselves in all their horrors.

King James I. had the advantage of his predeceffor's good example: and happy had it been for him, his family, and this whole nation, if her example had really had a due influence over his conduct. Fraught with learning, not with knowledge: ignorant of the true principles of government; more a tranger to our constitution by his notions and habit of thinking, than to our country by his birth; obftinate, tho',

not steady; misled by felf-opinion, and confirmed in error by superlative pedantry: K. James seemed to expect the love and to demand the obedience of his subjects, purely because the crown had dropped on his head; whereas Q. Elifabeth seemed both by her declarations and her actions to think herself intitled to the first, and secure of the last, for no other reason than this, because she wore the crown to the greatest advantage of her people. Her good sense taught her what she had not found in her books, that the ties between Prince and people are not the same with those between particular persons in private life. These persons converse and live familiarly together. Natural sympathies therefore, more easily to be felt than described, may unite them without the motives of gratitude and expectation. Those common, good offices, which the heart alone suggests,

are often sufficient to maintain such unions; and a man who is neither a faint, nor a hero, may hope to find and keep a friend. But public, or political, or state friendship, by which we mean an intimate and affectionate union between the governors and the governed, cannot be contracted without gratitude or expectation, nor maintained without both. If it could; if subjects were at tached to their Prince by a kind of instinct as hard to be accounted for, and yet as prevalent as the sympathies above-mentioned; the affertors of the divine right of Princes, and of the univerfal obedience due to them, would have had long ago a more plausible argument than they have yet produced in favour of that doctrine. They would have been able to ftop the mouths of all gainsayers; even of him, who required a miracle to become their convert; and who refolved never to believe that flavery was of divine institution till he beheld fubjects born with bunches on their backs like camels, and kings with combs on their heads like cocks; from which it might be collected, that the former were designed to labour and fuffer, and the latter to strut and to crow. But till fome such miracle is wrought, or the instinct supposed above is born with men, we think it will remain true, that the union we speak of between Prince and people neither can, nor ought to fubiit on any other terms, than those of good government on the one part, and of gratitude and expectation on the other. It is therefore the immediate, the personal, the highest interest of a Prince to contract this union, and to maintain it inviolate, in a limited monarchy efpecially, fuch as ours is; for the wifdom of our constitution has made it so; and, in making it so, hath imitated that divine wisdom, which appears in the constitution of the moral world. In this it may be easily pro* ved from a confideration of the cir cumstances, in which we stand as individuals, that the general good of focifety is the particular interest of every

member. Therefore our Creator designed that we should promote this general good. It is by confequence our duty so to do; and every man who believes a wife, all-directing mind, and who knows that proportioning of means to ends is effential to wisdom, must subscribe to this union: and yet determined by false appearances of good, or attracted by the force of immediate objects, men may, and they frequently do imagine, that they purfue their particular and separate interest, whilst they neglect, or act against the general common interest of fociety. For an example of which, we need look no farther than to the administration of King James I, and those Princes who have trod in his steps.

This King began and continued through the whole course of his reign to govern, without any regard to those principles, by which Queen Elifabeth had gained the hearts of her subjects; and, indeed, in open defiance of them. He chose other expedients of government, and trusted to so many broken reeds. Without any talents to procure the esteem he awakened the jealousy, and never courted the good-will of his people, but instead of it endeavoured to inftil into their minds what was rooted in his own, a very good opinion of himself, and a very mean opinion of them. He endeavoured to perfuade men, who felt that the balance of property was on their side, and that they held a great share of the fupreme power in their hands, that, though they had this property, yet they had no right, or a very precarious one to this power. He meant, by the force of new-fangled opinions, to attach the nation to him; as Queen Elifabeth had done by the ties of affection and confidence: or, he meant to govern without the concurrence of the nation : or, he meant nothing. The first was chimerical; the second was wicked; and the third was stupid. Elifabeth had been jealous of her prerogative, but moderate in the exercise of it. Wifer James imagined, that the higher he carried it, the more ftrongly he should

be