dered by the catholics, and still more by the measures of the Government. For Danby, the prime minister, fearing an impeachment, sought his own safety by engrossing upon other subjects the whole attention of the opposition. Two thousand suspected traitors were thrown into prison, the houses of Catholics, not excepting that of the Earl Marshal, were rigorously searched for arms, and all who refused to take the oath of supremacy to the number of 30,000, were compelled to remove to a distance of at least ten miles from Whitehall. As if the excitement and confusion thus produced were not enough, posts were erected as if for the purpose of throwing chains across the streets upon the first alarm; the train-bands, volunteers and military, amounting in all to nearly 50,000 men, were occasionally ordered to remain all night under arms, numerous patroles moved along the streets, and batteries were thrown up for the "defence of the palace.

While the nation was still in a ferment, it was worked up to a state of phrensy by the contrivances of the Green Ribbon Club. This club was formed of the leaders of the opposition, and held its meetings in the King's Arms Tavern, in what was then the fashionable neighbourhood of Temple Bar. It was published that a solemn procession at the expense of the club, was to celebrate the approaching anniversary of Elizabeth's accession. Accordingly, on the 17th of November, 200,000 persons were on the spot to witness the pageant. At the dusk of evening the expected procession formed by torch-light. First, a crier slowly advancing led the way, and proclaimed at intervals, Remember Mr. Justice Godfrey." Immediately behind the crier, rode a person dressed in the habit of a Jesuit, and having before him, thrown over the horse's back, the figure of a dead body, meant for that of Godfrey. A long array dressed as monks, nuns, and cardinals, Catholic bishops in cope and mitre, and Protestant bishops in lawn sleeves, was closed by a litter containing an effigy of the Pope, and by his side as his adviser, the arch fiend himself. The excited spectators had already armed themselves with daggers against the designs of the "Papists," and had sworn against the latter eternal hatred; but when they had heard the solemn voice of the crier, and had seen the mysterious array of ghost-like forms under the baleful glare of the torches, and still more when they had seen the Pope's effigy hurled into the flames amidst a burst of fire

works, they separated with their bosoms rankling with every bitter if not malignant feeling, that could gratify the heart, or forward the schemes of their wily deceiver.

Shaftesbury and his party calculated that if a parliament were to be held during the continuance of the excitement, they would be able to achieve a complete triumph. They had, therefore, already divided the country into districts, and in each district had organised a committee to get up petitions for summoning the parliament. It happened, (and the contingency had doubtlessly been anticipated,) that the licensing act expired at this very time, (May 1679.) At once, therefore, the press teemed with virulent writings of every description. The judges interfered, but Shaftesbury's object was already gained; Charles was ever beset with petitions. It was of no use that he answered that it was his province to appoint the time for parliamentary business, he was still incessantly and often most unseasonably way-laid and loaded with a multitude of similar petitions. The grand juries, the corporations, the common council of London, and nearly all the towns and counties vied with one another in urging the same importunate request. Charles now grew alarmed, and having provided trusty garrisons at Sheerness, Portsmouth, Hull, and other fortresses, he denounced rigorous punishment against all that should subscribe a petition contrary to the common and known laws of the land. This proclamation aroused the dormant loyalty of the people. But a little before, the king seemed almost alone, and was brooding despondingly on the gloomy future; now, however, all the lovers of monarchy were raising their voices from every part of the kingdom, and were crowding around the king to offer at once allegiance and aid. The nobles, the greater part of the gentry, the merchants, and multitudes of the middle and lower classes, poured in their loyal addresses, and declared their abhorrence of the late petitions. The king's enemies shrunk at this rallying cry of all England, and their confusion was as great as their former exultation.

Thus closed the first of this unparalleled series of plots. At the height of the popular frenzy, James had been requested to leave the country until the storm should have blown over. He refused to quit his post, but yielded to the commands of his brother. He resided first in Holland and afterwards in Scotland. His faithful duchess could not be kept from his side, even by the care of her infant child.

The popularity of both in Scotland was almost boundless, and so indeed it might well be, if one half of what is told of them be true.

"While in Scotland, James applied himself zealously to business, and with his usual regard for economy, detected and put a stop to many of the peculations and abuses of the duke of Lauderdale's creatures, whereby he incurred the ill-will of that corrupt statesman, and his duchess, and many of their connections. He bestowed his attention on the maritime and commercial interests of Scotland, all of which were materially improved during his residence in that nation. Such were the feelings which the residence and popular government of the duke of York had excited in the kindred land of his forefathers, that there can be little doubt if he had been rejected by England, but that he would have been instantly proclaimed and crowned in Scotland."-pp. 134, 135.

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The sailor prince, being a friend to ancient customs, encouraged the citizens and mechanics of the good town to take a share in these manly sports and pastimes, and for this end he always chose his partner at golf from these classes.

"The oral traditions of Edinburgh record the following instance of the frank and gracious conduct of the duke of York to one of his humble allies at the golf. His royal highness and the duke of Lauderdale, who were both expert golfers, generally engaged on opposite sides, and one day, they determined to play for an unusually high stake. James called a working shoemaker, named John Paterson, to second him, and after a very hard contest, defeated his antagonist. When the duke of Lauderdale paid the stake which is said to have been some hundreds of broad pieces, his royal highness handed the gold to Paterson with these words, Through your skill I have won this game, and you are therefore entitled to the reward of the victory;' the princely courtesy of the compliment being a trait of more refined generosity than the princely munificence of the gift; and dear, we may be sure, were both to the heart of the bonnie Scot, who had seconded the brother of his sovereign so stoutly on the links of Leith that day.

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Notwithstanding his popery, James was at that period one of the finest gentlemen in Europe."-p. 124.

Amidst the reaction against Shaftesbury, which had been provoked by his system of petitions, James was recalled to London by his brother, and was welcomed by the acclamations of the people.

His enemies, however, were not yet discouraged. The tale of the black box, containing the pretended marriagesettlement of King Charles and Lucy Barlow, the mother of Monmouth, was scarcely exploded, when rumours and

depositions of presbyterian plots alarmed the credulous multitude. When these, and even the "popish meal-tub plot" had passed (and not without effect), preparations were made for a more immediate attack upon the Duke of York. These preparations were facilitated by a strange conjuncture of affairs. Louis knew that Charles had just formed a league with Spain, and by his liberal distribution of gold he encouraged the opposition to plot for the Prince of Orange, and thus to embarrass to the utmost their country's government. It was not enough that Hampden, Algernon Sidney, Buckingham, and many others, who talked loudly of their disinterested patriotism, should become the hirelings of France and Holland; but even Godolphin and Sunderland, afterwards so famous for their share in the "glorious revolution," and at this moment ministers of Charles and high in his confidence. were deeply involved in the intrigues of the French and Dutch envoys, and had pledged themselves to promote the bill for the exclusion of James.

To obtain the consent of Charles was the next object. To effect this the Duchess of Portsmouth, one of the king's mistresses, was threatened with an impeachment. When the wretched woman was sufficiently intimidated, they offered to forego the charge, provided she would influence Charles in favour of the bill. She made a compact for this purpose with Shaftesbury, Russell, and Monmouth; and that she might have power over the royal will, she was empowered to make the king an offer of a large sum of money and of the power to nominate his successor.

The Duke of York was now again in Scotland, in obedience to his brother's commands; but his enemies still sought to compass his ruin. When parliament had assembled, Dangerfield, an informer of unenviable notoriety, whose testimony had been scorned by three successive juries, was allowed to stand at the bar of the commons and prefer against James a charge of plotting against his brother's life. He must have reckoned largely on the credulity or hypocrisy of the members, but he had not reckoned amiss. The whole house appeared in a ferment, and Russell moved, that it should be their first care "effectually to suppress popery, and prevent a popish successor. A storm of invective against the "papists" followed; every evil that had befallen the country during the whole reign was their work. As a fitting close to so truthful a denun

ciation, Oates and his brother informers, Prance, Faria, and Treby, the personifications of truth, now strided forward, and told the grave, or rather excited, senators, their labyrinth of detected conspiracies. It was voted that all these plots had been formed because the Duke of York was a papist; that if anything happened to the king, it should be revenged upon the whole body of Catholics; and, lastly, that a bill should be introduced for excluding James from the throne of England.

Baffled in their attempt by the exertions of Charles, the opposition presented a nominal address to the king, the real object of which was to exasperate the people by renewing the cry against the Jesuits. Their efforts were in great measure successful; but their want of moderation produced a reaction. Their impeachment and legal murder of the aged Lord Stafford aroused all the fanaticism of the mob, and even the parliament were not ashamed to greet the capital charge of Dangerfield with a shout of exultation! The patience of the gray-headed baron under the yells and execrations of the mob, and the cruelty and injustice of the heartless men upon the bench must have touched every heart that was not utterly callous. Stafford's speech upon the scaffold triumphed over prejudice and every other feeling, and called forth from the vast assemblage of Londoners one loud and unanimous testimony to his innocence: "We believe you, my lord! God bless you, my lord!" But there is not now in our constitution any power that may stand between an unjust sentence and its victim. Stafford's blood was streaming from the block almost at the moment that the cry of his innocence was rising to heaven.

The reaction which had thus been produced was not immediately felt, and the faction of Shaftesbury pursued their schemes with ardour. Godolphin, Sunderland, the Duchess of Portsmouth, and even the Prince of Orange, successively urged the king to come to an understanding with his parliament. The Spanish ambassador came next, alluded to the designs of Louis, and lamented that England should waste its strength in internal dissension, forgetful both of its own interests and of those of its allies. Then came the Dutch ambassadors with a long and elaborate memorial, declaring boldly that Charles had sacrificed the welfare of Europe, of all the Protestant powers, and particularly of the United Provinces, for so uncertain a