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soil and industry, and in exchange for which they might procure an ample supply of all they want, are encumbering their warehouses, and becoming useless for want of a market.

The following extracts from a paper laid before the Chamber of Deputies, within the last two months, by the merchants of Bordeaux, are too important to require being recommended to the reader's attention :

Chaque pays, par sa topographie, son climat, l'intelligence de ses habitans, posséde des avantages qui lui sont propres ; mais ces conditions mêmes de sa personnalité, le mettent dans une situation moins favorable à l'égard des ressources territoriales et des aptitudes naturelles qui sont les attributs d'un autre pays. Dans une pareille position, établir des prohibitions, c'est empêcher un besoin d'échange réciproquement senti par les peuples. Personne ne s'aviserait certainement de demander que des barrières séparassent nos provinces entre elles. On sait trop bien que sous l'ancienne monarchie, c'est aux privilèges, aux prérogatives de certains états, aux droits de ferme et de passage qui tenaient isolié chacune de ses parties, que la France dut la lenteur de ses progrès en industrie et

en commerce.

Si cette circulation libre dans l'intérieur concourt au bien-être national, n'est il pas déraisonnable de l'arrêter à la frontière quand elle peut aller au-delà? Les différences qui existent entre les produits de pays qui se touchent, sont bien plus tranchées entre ceux de nations éloignées. Le caractère, les moeurs, le degré de civilisation des hommes à grande distance les uns des autres, donnent lieu à des richesses et à des besoins qui contrastent fortement entre eux. Dans cette situation respective des peuples, nécessaires les uns aux autres, il est un principe d'association que, pour le bonheur de l'humanité, il serait utile de féconder. Mais non, les prohibitions le tuent; car elles ne se maintiennent que par l'erreur de l'esprit public qu'elles habituent à prendre le mot étranges comme synonyme de celui d'ennemi, et à se tenir dans une continuelle méfiance de ce qui n'est pas national.

Si nous examinons dans leur généralité les conséquences de ce fatal système, ne faudrait il pas lui attribuer la pauvreté de notre commerce intérieur, les immenses lacunes de culture que présente notre sol, cet allanguissement dans les rapports qui sera long-temps encore une cause d'impossibilité matérielle pour l'application générale à notre pays des voies artificielles ? Ne serait-ce pas à lui aussi que nous devrions imputer l'absence parmi nous de l'esprit d'association, la repugnance des grands capitalistes pour les enterprises publiques, leur éloignement pour les placemens de fonds, soit dans les manufactures, soit dans les simples affaires commerciales? N'est-ce pas l'esprit exclusif de notre législation qui les encourage à être exclusifs eux-mêmes, et à réserver leurs richesses et leur crédit, soit pour le jeu de la bourse ou les placemens privilégiés, tels qu' achats de forêts, fabriques de sucre de betterave, usines a hauts fourneaux?

'N'est-ce pas à la même cause qu'il faut s'en prendre, si la France, dans son unité de territoire, offre des disparates choquantes, et qui peuvent

finir par nuire au sentiment national? Lâ, quelques départemens prosperent parce que leurs terres renferment les élémens d'une fabrication protégée! Ici d'autres souffrent et se plaignent, parce que ce qui fait la fortune de leurs voisins, n'est obtenu qu'avec le sacrifice de leurs spiritueux et de leurs vins qu'ils sont obligés de garder long-temps dans leurs celliers! Au centre du pays, des populations végétent, parce que leur position les condamne à l'agriculture, sans moyens de transports economiques, sans matières premières à bas prix, sans un développement progressif de consommation, est dans un état de pléthore qui l'étouffe! Aussi des villes sont encombrées d'habitans, et d'autres sont désertés; les unes sont poussées à une civilisation hâtive, les autres sont attardées dans l'ignorance et l'engourdissement.'

Statements like these, not admitting of confutation, and supported by a very large portion of the intelligence and population of the country, could not be disregarded; and the Ministers have, in consequence, introduced a measure, making some modifications in the existing customs laws. But a more abortive attempt at reform was never exhibited. It would not, indeed, be easy to say, whether the measure itself, or the reasons by which it has been supported, be the more futile. We incline to think that it was introduced principally in the view of amusing the public; and that it was intended, under the pretence of doing something, to do really nothing. But, if so, the failure of the scheme has been complete. It has not given satisfaction to any class. Petitions have been presented against it from all the great commercial cities, showing that it can afford them no effectual relief, and that it cannot, in fact, obviate any one of the grievances of which they complain. It is doubtful, therefore, whether the measure will pass into a law; and it is of very little consequence whether it do or do not.

It is curious to observe the shifts to which the apologists of the existing system in France are driven. M. Thiers, for example, in a speech to a meeting of delegates from the agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial interests, in February, 1833, stated, that the grand object Government had in view was

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' reconcile the liberty which commerce requires, with the protection 'which manufactures require! Had M. Thiers told his auditors that he was exerting himself to reconcile sense and nonsense, the speech would have redounded as much to his credit, and been as much to the purpose. This sort of matter forms, however, the bulk of his late Exposé des Motifs, with the paltry sophisms of which he is so well pleased, that he pronounces them to be the only vrais principes of commercial legislation. We take leave, however, to tell M. Thiers, that his Beet-root plantations, his Iron-works, and, in short, every branch of industry which requires

protection, is a national grievance; and that the only enquiry any man of sense will ever make with respect to such branches is, how protection may be withdrawn with the least injury to the parties concerned. The Government and people of France must either consent to the immediate or gradual abolition of the restrictive system, or be prepared to witness the continued decline of commerce, and of all the various and important departments of industry connected with it. There is no middle course open to them. But whatever obstacles the interested selfishness of some, or the fears or quackery of others, may throw in the way of the return to a better system, we have no doubt they will be overcome; and that the period is not far distant when the mercantile legislation of France will be made in some degree to correspond with her free institutions, the enterprising character of her people, and her vast capacities for carrying on the most extensively beneficial intercourse with other nations.

The system of prohibition established in France has given rise to an extent of smuggling not to be matched in any other European country, with perhaps the exception of Spain. The statements in the Report of Messrs Villiers and Bowring on this subject are exceedingly curious and instructive. They afford the most satisfactory and convincing proofs of the inability of restrictions and prohibitions to secure a real monopoly, and any extensive market; and show that their principal effect is to promote illicit traffic, and to make that invention and ingenuity be exerted in devising means to defeat and elude the law, which, under a more liberal system, would be exerted to improve the methods of production. The introduction of prohibited goods is more easily effected by land than by sea; and smuggling into France is, in consequence, principally carried on through her north and east frontiers. Large quantities of prohibited or over-taxed goods are, however, introduced by sea. A regular tariff of risks is established; and persons of undoubted solidity contract for certain premiums, which, for the most part, are abundantly moderate, to deliver English cottons, lace, hardware, &c., in any part of France. Owing to the system of octrois, or of the collection of duties at the gates of large towns, where an inspection of the goods may also be made, the cost of smuggling into Paris, and other populous places, is considerably greater than that of smuggling into villages. At an average, however, most foreign goods that are not particularly bulky may be delivered in Paris at a charge of from 25 to 35 per cent, ad valorem, on their real value.

The following extract from the Report of Messrs Villiers and Bowring developes one of those ingenious devices by which mischievous customs laws are sure to be defeated :

The director of the customhouse made, on the 30th of July, 1831, some very curious statements to the Minister of Finance, on the subject of the fraudulent introduction of articles by means of dogs. He says, that since the suppression of smuggling by horses, in 1825, dogs have been employed; that the first attempts were made in the neighbourhood of Valenciennes, and that it afterwards spread to Dunkirk and Charleville, that it has since extended to Thionville and Strasburg, and, last of all, in 1828, to Besançon.

In 1823, it was estimated that 100,000 kilogrammes of goods were thus introduced into France; in 1825, 187,315; and in 1826, 2,100,000 kilogrammes. All these estimates being reported as rather under the mark, the calculation has been made at 2 kilogrammes, pro rata, per dog. The dogs sometimes carry 10 kilogrammes, and sometimes even 12. The above estimate supposes that 1 dog in 10 in certain districts, and in others 1 in 20, is killed; but these calculations must necessarily be very vague. In the opinion of many of the customhouse officers, not more than 1 dog in 75 is destroyed, even when notice has been given, and the dogs are expected.

Tobacco and colonial produce are generally the objects of this illicit. trade; sometimes cotton twist and manufactures. In the neighbourhood of Dunkirk, dogs have been taken with burdens of the value of 600, 800, and even 1200 francs. Publications hostile to the Government have not unfrequently been so introduced.

The dogs which are trained to these "dishonest habits," are conducted in packs to the foreign frontier; they are kept without food for many hours; they are then beaten and laden, and at the beginning of the night started on their travels. They reach the abodes of their masters, which are generally selected at two or three leagues from the frontiers, as speedily as they can, where they are sure to be well treated; and provided with a quantity of food. It is said they do much mischief by the destruction of agricultural property, inasmuch as they usually take the most direct course across the country. They are dogs of a large size for the most part.'

Various efforts have been made to suppress this species of smuggling, but hitherto without success. It is ludicrous, indeed, to suppose, seeing the vast extent of the land frontier of France, that any means should ever be adopted capable of excluding cheap foreign products in extensive demand. The director-general of the French customs says, that smuggling is carried on to an extent that is vraiment effroyante; and he may well say so, when it is estimated that English bobbinet, though prohibited, is introduced into France to the extent of 10,000,000 francs, or L.400,000 a-year; besides large quantities of cotton twist, and other prohibited articles of British produce and manufacture.

Whatever, therefore, the vrais principes. of M. Thiers may do for manufactures, or legitimate commerce, it is not to be denied that they are working well for the smuggler. He may retort

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upon us, perhaps, by saying that smuggling is not much less prevalent on our shores than on the frontiers of France. But there is this radical difference in the two cases, that here, smuggling is confined to a very few articles, of which brandy and tobacco are the chief; and its existence is not in any degree dependent upon, or identified with, the support of any system of commercial policy. The cost of brandy at the ports of shipment in France varies from 3s. to 5s. a-gallon; and Mr Vansittart loaded it with the exorbitant duty of 22s. 6d. The facts disclosed by Messrs Villiers and Bowring in their Report, set the practical operation of this monstrous over-tax in a very striking point of view. They estimate, from a comparison of the shipments of different articles from France for England, with the imports into the latter, and other authentic data, that the total amount of duties evaded by the fraudulent importation of over-taxed French articles (exclusive of tobacco, whole cargoes of which are sometimes introduced into Ireland) into Great Britain, amounts to about L.800,000 ayear. Of this sum the loss on brandy makes by far the largest item, and is said to be considerably more than L.500,000.' But this is very far from representing the entire loss occasioned by exorbitant duties. For, in addition to the over-taxed articles clandestinely imported, and on which a reasonable duty would be paid, the system occasions the overloading of the market with spurious counterfeit articles, by which the public health, as well as the revenue, is materially injured. Neither does the mischief stop here. In order to render oppressive duties productive of any revenue, it is necessary to organize and keep constantly on foot a very numerous and costly Customs establishment. It is abundantly certain, that we lose by the clandestine importation of brandy, geneva, and tobacco from the Continent, above L.1,500,000 a-year of revenue; and but for the oppressive duties on these articles, a saving of L.500,000 a-year might be effected in the Customs department. Nothing, therefore, can be more futile than to attempt vindicating exorbitant duties, on the plea of their being required to keep up the revenue. So far from this, they are among the most efficient means that can be devised for its reduction. The revenue derived from coffee has been trebled by reducing the duty from 1s. 7d. to 6d. per lb.; the revenue derived from British spirits was materially increased by reducing the duty from 5s. 6d. to 2s. 6d. the wine gallon; and Mr Pitt increased the duty derived from brandy, geneva, &c., in 1786, not by adding to, but by taking 50 per cent from the duties with which they had previously been loaded. There cannot, indeed, be the shadow of a doubt, that the revenue derived from brandy and geneva would be very largely increased by reducing

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