to have been owing his behaviour with respect to Hannibal*, at which the world was much offended. For Hannibal having fled his country, took refuge first at the court of Antiochus. But Antiochus, after he had lost the battle of Phrygia, gladly accepting conditions of peace, Hannibal was again forced to fly; and, after wandering through many countries, at length settled in Bithynia, and put himself under the protection of Prusias. The Romans knew this perfectly well, but they took no notice of it, considering him now as a man enfeebled by age, and overthrown by fortune. But Flaminius, being sent by the senate upon an embassy to Prusias about other matters, and seeing Hannibal at his court, could not endure that he should be suffered to live. And though Prusias used much intercession and entreaty in behalf of a man who came to him as a suppliant, and lived with him under the sanction of hospitality, he could not prevail. It seems there was an ancient oracle, which thus prophesied concerning the end of Hannibal, Libyssan earth shall hide the bones of Hannibal. He therefore thought of nothing but ending his days at Carthage, and being buried in Libya. But in Bithynia there is a sandy place near the sea, which has a small village in it called Libyssa. In this * Flaminius was no more than forty-four years of age, when he went ambassador to Prusias. It was not therefore an unseasonable desire of a public character, or extravagant passion for fame, which was blamed in him on this occasion, but an unworthy persecution of a great, though unfortunate man. We are inclined however to think, that he had secret instructions from the senate for what he did: for it is not probable that a man of his mild and humane disposition would choose to hunt down an old unhappy warrior: and Plutarch confirms this opinion afterwards. neighbourhood Hannibal lived. But having always been apprised of the timidity of Prusias, and distrusting him on that account, and dreading withal the attempts of the Romans, he had some time before ordered several subterraneous passages to be dug under his house; which were continued a great way under ground, and terminated in several different places, but were all undiscernable without. As soon as he was informed of the orders which Flaminius had given, he attempted to make his escape by those passages; but finding the king's guards at the outlets, he resolved to kill himself. Some say, he wound his cloak about his neck, and ordered his servant to put his knees upon his back, and pull with all his force, and not to leave twisting till he had quite strangled him. Others tell us, that, like Themistocles and Midas, he drank bull's blood. But Livy writes, that having poison in readiness, he mixed it for a draught; and taking the cup in his hand, "Let us deliver the Romans," said he, "from their cares and anxieties, since they think it too tedious and dangerous to wait for the death of a poor hated old man. Yet shall not Titus gain a conquest worth envying, or suitable to the generous proceedings of his ancestors, who sent to caution Pyrrhus, though a victorious enemy, against the poison that was prepared for him.” Thus Hannibal is said to have died. When the news was brought to the senate, many in that august body were highly displeased. Flaminius appeared too officious and cruel in his precautions, to procure the death of Hannibal, now tamed by his misfortunes, like a bird that through age had lost its tail and feathers, and suffered to live so. And as he had no orders to put him to death, it was plain that he did it out of a passion for fame, and to be mentioned in aftertimes as the destroyer of Hanni bal*. On this occasion they recollected and admired more than ever, the humane and generous behaviour of Scipio Africanus; for when he had vanquished Hannibal in Africa, at a time when he was extremely formidable, and deemed invincible, he neither insisted on his banishment, nor demanded him of his fellow citizens; but, as he had embraced him at the conference which he had with him before the battle; so, after it, when he settled the conditions of peace, he offered not the least affront or insult to his misfortunes. It is reported that they met again at Ephesus, and Hannibal, as they walked together, taking the upper hand, Africanus suffered it, and walked on without the least concern. Afterwards they fell into conversation about great generals, and Hannibal asserted that Alexander was the greatest general the world had ever seen, that Pyrrhus was the second, and himself the third. Scipio smiled at this, and said, "But what rank would you have placed yourself in, if I had not conquered you?" "O, Scipio!" said he, "then I would not have placed myself the third, but the first." The generality admiring this moderation of Scipio, found the greater fault with Flaminius for taking the spoils of an enemy, whom another man had slain. There were some indeed, who applauded the thing, and observed, "That while Hannibal lived, they must have looked upon him as a fire, which wanted only to be blown into a flame. That when he was in the vigour of his age, it was not his bodily strength or his right hand which was so dreadful to the Ro If this was really the motive of Flaminius, and nothing of a political tendency entered into this dastardly destruction of that great general, it would hardly be possible for all the virtues, all the triumphs of the Romans, to redeem him from the infamy of so base an action. mans, but his capacity and experience, together with his innate rancour and hatred to their name. And that these are not altered by age; for the native disposition still overrules the manners; whereas fortune, far from remaining the same, changes continually, and by new hopes invites those to new enterprises who were ever at war with us in their hearts." And the subsequent events contributed still more to the justification of Flaminius. For, in the first place, Aristonicus, the son of a harper's daughter, on the strength of his being reputed the natural son of Eumenes, filled all Asia with tumult and rebellion: and in the next place, Mithridates, after such strokes as he had met with from Sylla and Fimbria, and so terrible a destruction among his troops and officers, rose up stronger than ever against Lucullus, both by sea and land. Indeed, Hannibal was never brought so low as Caius Marius had been. For Hannibal enjoyed the friendship of a king, from whom he received liberal supplies, and with whose officers, both in the navy and army, he had important connexions; whereas Marius was a wanderer in Africa, and forced to beg his bread. But the Romans, who had laughed at his fall, soon after bled, in their own streets, under his rods and axes, and prostrated themselves before him. So true it is, that there is nothing either great or little at this moment, which is sure to hold so in the days to come; and that the changes we have to experience only determine with our lives. For this reason, some tell us, that Flaminius did not do this of himself, but that he was joined in commission with Lucius Scipio, and that the sole purpose of their embassy was to procure the death of Hannibal. As we have no account after this, of any political or military act of Flaminius, and only know that he died in his bed, it is time to come to the comparison. FLAMINIUS AND PHILOPŒMEN Ir we consider the extensive benefits which Greece received from Flaminius, we shall find that neither Philopomen, nor other Grecians more illustrious than Philopomen, will stand the comparison with him. For the Greeks always fought against Greeks; but Flaminius, who was not of Greece, fought for that country. And at a time when Philopomen, unable to defend his fellow-citizens who were engaged in a dangerous war, passed over into Crete, Flaminius having vanquished Philip in the heart of Greece, set cities and whole nations free. If we examine into their battles, it will appear, that Philopoemen, while he commanded the Achæan forces, killed more Greeks, than Flaminius, in asserting the Grecian cause, killed Macedonians. As to their failings, ambition was the fault of Flaminius, and obstinacy that of Philopomen. The former was passionate and the latter implacable. Flaminius left Philip in his royal dignity, and pardoned the Ætolians: whereas Philopomen, in his resentment against his country, robbed her of several of her dependencies. Besides, Flaminius was always a firm friend to those whom he had once served; but Philopomen was ever ready to destroy the merit of his former kindnesses, only to indulge his anger. For he had been a great benefactor to the Lacedæmonians; yet afterwards he demolished their walls, and ravaged their country; and in the end entirely changed and overturned their constitution. Nay he seems to have sacrificed his life to his passion and perverseness, by too hastily and |