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ject, except under imminent circumstances, has a right; beyond this, the exercise of political power is a question not of right but of expediency; a right which every state has exercised, in defiance of all the new theories, in defiance of the doctrines of the Rights of Man, and the bleeding example of the French Republic.

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Before I enter into the discussion of this question, I will preface two observations: First, Notwithstanding the new opinions, that in this country the ecclesiastical establishment is inseparably connected with the State; with it the country has grown to greatness, and whatever has a tendency to weaken or destroy the establishment of the church, tends to the destruction of our monarchy, our liberty, and our political existence: Secondly, That all the examples that have been produced of persons of different religions being allowed to serve the state in other countries, in no degree apply to this kingdom, as those countries are subject to arbitrary government; and I will venture to say, that no instance can be shewn of a free state with a free parliament, in which persons professing a faith distinct from that establishment, have obtained much weight and consequence.

" In discussing this question, it should be considered, What is asked? How what is asked is to be attained? and, What is to be substituted in the place of that you take away?

"That which is asked is Catholic Emancipation: a term equally unfitting for this question and this assembly. Emancipate the Catholics! Do they require the prætor's wand, to be released from servitude, to hold property, to be protected in their persons and property? Why, my Lords, they are as free as any subjects in the world. Do you talk of emancipating copyholders, custom-house officers, excise officers? The term, indeed, as it was first intended, applies to emancipate Ireland, that is, to separate

separate Ireland from the Government of and con nexion with England.

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But what is asked? To abolish all distinctions between Protestant and Papist, and to place the Papist upon an equality with the Protestant; for, say the advocates of this measure, whilst any distinction remains, however high or special, the grievance remains. For this purpose then you cannot move a step without the repeal of the test and corporationacts. Nay, you must also repeal the act of supremacy and uniformity, the bill of rights, the act of settlement, the act of union with Scotland, and after, the king's coronation oath. There perhaps will arise a question between original compact and the supremacy of Parliament. Unquestionably, our laws are not like those of the Medes and Persians, that alter not; no Parliament has greater power than the succeeding one; but considering the solemnity attendant upon these laws, it is most unwise to raise doubts, and agitate the minds of men upon points which may strike at the settlement of the crown itself, without most urgent ne- cessity, without being convinced, first, that you will do no harm; next, that you will do essential benefit; and, lastly, that you have a plan to establish in place of that you mean to take away. Now, what are the reasons assigned for this measure?-that it will tend to the settlement and tranquillity of Ireland. If I really thought it would have that effect, I would enter into a consideration of it:- but it is because I am of a diametrically opposite opinion, I am decidedly against it. Is it likely to tend to the tranquillity of a country composed of two descriptions of inhabitants, the one possessed of the property and the magistracy, few in number, contend- ing and protecting themselves against the more numerous class, to open every situation as a scene of contest? I think the first operation would be, to make the country a scene of confusion, corruption, and riot, not only for Parliament but for magistracy, and and for situations in all the towns, as described by Lucan,

Lethe lisque ambitus urbis

Annua venali referens certamina campo.

The priest at the head of his flock, leading them to every outrage, and religious bigotry carried to the utmost extent, the power of the Protestant landlords would have no effect against a religious combination.

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Next, What are the causes of the discontents in Ireland? High rents, heavy taxes, tithes, the property possessed by persons speaking a different language, of different manners and habits from the peasantry, a double clergy, the Protestant clergy in affluence, the Catholic in poverty. May I ask, Which of the grievances will this act touch? will it lower rents or taxes? will it alter the state of property ? will it teach the landlords Irish, or the peasants English? will it lower tithes? will it make the Protestant clergy low, and raise the Catholic priest? Perhaps it may; and here is the difficulty. If this operates lightly and gently, as possibly it may, it would not affect the mass of the country; if it operates to affect the mass, it may operate to an extent fatal to British connexion. I have long thought that the discontents of Ireland arise from other causes than religious disabilities. Let us examine history; I shall not go into the discarded code, except to ask if so much was said upon it for the sake of tranquillity? First, I look to the year 1782; then all the grievances of the nation were brought forth by the patriots of that period: various: Simple Repeal, Independent Parliament, Free Trade; not a word of religious grievances. I proceed to 1789; grievances enough, wrongs enough of a Noble Marquis (Buckingham) wrongs that will never be forgiven by those who wished to risk the separation of the countries for the sake of party, nor forgotten by those who know that, by his ability and firmness, he preserved that kingdom to his Sovereign, and the connexion between the countries. countries: the parties in Parliament and the Whig Club stating all the grievances; yet not a word of religious grievances. Is it to be believed, that the great patriots of the day should not have mentioned religious grievances, if any such really oppressed the people? I proceed farther, to the year 1791. Relaxation was given to the Catholics in England; the Irish Catholics naturally applied. What happened? The Irish House of Commons would not grant the claims; no,-they threw the petition off the table, twenty-three only objecting.

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Now, I argue not the right or the wrong on this subject; but this I contend: That the great patriots of that time would not have rejected these petitions if the state of the laws had been an oppression to the country. When, then, was the discovery made? Why, as soon as it was discovered that the Government of England wished to do every thing that was proper for the Catholics, then the grievance was made out, then the patriots began to cry out; and whatever was given, the determination was to ask for more; so the more we give, the more we shall be asked, till your Lordships have nothing more to surrender. What was the effect of the concessions of 1795? The Catholics were relieved from every law affecting the mass of the people. The profession of the law was opened, the magistracy, right of voting, freedom of corporations, trades, &c. What happened immediately? Universal insurrection, devastation, and cruelty! Is it probable that those who returned treason for kindness, and murder for favour, upon points that directly affected them, are likely to become mild and grateful subjects for favours that affect them only distantly and collaterally? Upon this point of the argument I beg to be distinctly understood. I do not bring this argument against the measure. it is right, with a view to the Catholics of Ireland, let it be done; if it is right, with a view to the Catholics of England, if it is right upon general policy, let it be done; but let no man's mind be influence 1

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in deciding upon this question by the opinion that concessions of this nature are likely to tranquillize Ireland. We are told it arises out of the Union. How? Was it promised? Certainly not. Did the Catholics carry the Union? Certainly not. The question was previously rejected by both Parliaments; and it was a strange sort of expectation that what both Parliaments rejected before and at the Union, should be done as soon as they were united! But is it not well known that the measure could not have been carried if this proposition had been clogged to it? Is it not well known that the most zealous friends of the Union would have opposed it if this had made a part, considering it as leading to the separation of the countries ? But it will please the people of Ireland." There are two descriptions of persons in that kingdom. Will it please the Protestants of Ireland, -those who carried that great measure, those who preserved that country to this? It seems as if Noble Lords had forgotten that such people existed: I have not heard mention of them from any one; a people by whose loyalty and courage, in a situation unparalelled, that kingdom was secured; whose conduct was never equalled by any description of men in any country. Why, then, what must be done? I say, "Let the Union alone;" let that great measure alone; let it work, as it has begun, the settlement of that country, and let not the operations of that great measure be impeded by bringing the Catholics forward at an unfit season, to be made the tool and sport of British factions.

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It is insinuated that the Catholics have not the benefit of equal justice. Now, I defy any man to shew that equal justice in that country is not done to every man, of whatever religion. It is said that the Petition is signed by no priest. From this, three observations may be made: First, That the priests disapprove of the tenets and declarations contained in the Petition, and do not choose to give it their countenance; Secondly, (the one which sur

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