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"I know not what this book is, but sure I am, all that mercy of Providence have been preserved in tran is written therein is quite against us."

CHAPTER IX.

Smalcald-Unfavorable circumstances announced-The Emperor retracts at Ratisbon and agrees to the suspension of all legal processes against the Protestants-Death of the Elector John-Melancthon's Funeral Oration-His Epitaph-Succeeded by John Frederic-The Emperor urges on the Pope a general Council-Continuance of the Sacramental Controversy-Melancthon and Bucer confer with the Landgrave-A vain attempt at Leipsic to restore union between contending parties-Francis I. urges Melancthos to repair to France Their Correspondence-Entreaties of the Langœan family to the same purpose-Bellay goes into Germany and invites Melancthon into France-The Elector interposes to prevent the journey-Henry VIII. invites Melancthon into England-Their Correspondence-The King of England's eagerness in despatching Messengers to France to prevent Melancthon's continuance there if he were arrived, or otherwise to dissuade him from going Curious original documents on the subject-A larger Cominíssion sent into Germany-Melancthon's communication with Archbishop Cranmer-State of his health-Takes a jour ney-Injurious reports circulated-Writes against the Anabaptists -Conferences with Bucer and Capito, 1531 to 1536.

Two unfavorable events were announced to the Protestant princes, when they were assembled a second time in the early part of the year 1531, at Smalcald; the one the election of Ferdinand to be king of the Romans, which was considered as an artful proceeding of his brother the Emperor, for the purpose of rendering the imperial crown hereditary in his family, and consequently subversive of the liberties of the empire-the other the commencement of prosecutions against some of their number on account of their religious principles. It was deemed immediately necessary to renew their defensive league, and by means of their ambassadors to implore the protection and support of the Kings of England, France, and Denmark.

Providence again interposed to rescue the oppressed. It was not long before the Emperor perceived that it was essential to his political interests, rather to retrace his hasty steps than by pressing on in his persecuting career to involve Germany in a civil war. He found that his peace with France and his friendship with the Pope were both precarious, and that the Turkish army was advancing upon Austria with recruited forces. The malcontent princes were therefore to be conciliated and not coerced, and it was stipulated at Nuremberg, and finally agreed upon at the Diet of Ratisbon, in August, 1532, that upon condition of their rendering the requisite assistance in the war with the Turks, the Emperor Em

would suspend all legal processes against the Protestants on account of religion, use his utmost endeavors to procure the appointment of a general council within six months, to meet within twelve; and that no person should at present, be molested for his religion.

At this juncture the Elector John was removed from his useful labors, and exalted station, by an apoplexy. The event occurred on the sixteenth of August, 1532, and though Melancthon and Luther were immediately sent for, they only arrived in time to see him expire. The former delivered a Latin oration at his funeral, in which he thus admirably portrays the character of his prince.

"I shall not speak of his noble birth, for which indeed the Dukes of Saxony are sufficiently distinguished, nor of his youthful pursuits, though he might be highly eulogized for modesty and temperance; but confine myself principally to the delineation of his character during the period of his public life since the decease of his illustrious brother Frederic. Amidst a thousand difficulties, the genuine piety of the Elector John, his firmness, moderation, peaceful intentions, and every other virtue which can constitute a good prince, were conspicuous. It is a glorious trophy characteristic of his reign, and demanding our gratitude, that in a most turbulent period, these realms by the interposing

quillity, though many endeavored to stir up war. The preservation of peace was doubtless also a duty incumbent upon a prince so favored of heaven, and his authority, moderation, and zeal, eminently conduced to it, by frequently and forcibly disappointing the designs of ambitious men. It is easy to judge of the extent of the benefit derived from these exertions, when it is recollected that the cause in which he was engaged did not respect a single province or state only, but the whole of Germany. If war had been once kindled it would have raged throughout the empire, so that by preserving domestic peace he was instrumental in securing the tranquillity of many other states. Nor were his enemies alone restrained by his authority and moderate counsels, but his violent confederates were checked by perpetual efforts on his part, which it would not be improper on this occasion to particularize. We have seen them taking up arms, and in a situation to command victory, yet induced by the prince's justice, though contrary to their inclina tions, to adjust their respective claims without bloodshed, in which he displayed an extraordinary heroism. When he could have gained the most decisive advantages over his most inveterate enemies who were at the very moment plotting his ruin, he spared them. How often has he shown a mind impregnable to sentiments of private cupidity, for after composing strife he never cherished the spirit of revenge, but was satisfied with maintaining public quiet. This, this is truly worthy of a great and wise man, to conquer anger and to prefer the welfare of his country to the gratification of his private feelings. It must indeed be acknowledged that war is sometimes necessary, the enemy must be opposed, and states must be roused to hostile preparations; but it is no less so that the turbulent emotions of the mind should be repressed and restored to reason, and that contention should be prevented by mild and judicious counsels.

"What shall I say of his domestic administration, which was replete with clemency and humanity? Homer represents Ulysses as ruling the Ithacan a good father, and Xenophon, who proposes, rus as a perfect pattern for a prince, says that a good prince resembles a good father: and who ever had it in his power to say any thing worse of our departed prince, who was incapable of acting with crue! or pride? To me he appeared to cherish the nost paternal feelings for all his subjects, and 1 wave often noticed the most striking indications of it both in private discourse and in public transactions.

"His private life was most unostentatious, free from all disgraceful excess and dissipation, and all the leisure hours he could command at intervals of business were devoted to sacred literature and especially to the study of the Christian religion. To this he gave his principal attention in the latter period of his life, and as I know from indubitable authority he abounded in the exercises of devotion. No one is ignorant of the dangers he incurred through his attachment to evangelical truth; and God eminently honored his exalted virtue, by protecting him through so many years, and liberating him from so many dangers, as he did Hezekiah when blockaded by the Assyrian army in Jerusalem. Now in a period of public tranquillity he is taken away, but happily not unprepared for the change, from miseries which may yet await us and from the agonies of a painful disorder. We may be permitted to grieve for the loss of a prince endowed with such various excellencies, so studious of general peace, and so devotedly kind to his people that he may be denominated their father as wel. as their prince.

"In what dangers and misfortunes the state may hereafter be involved I will not pretend to predict, but most humbly implore the supreme Jehovah, while our departed Elector rests in peace, to look upon the family of his subjects, to bestow his mercies on his son and successor, that he may prove our protector amidst impending dangers, and give peace to the state for the advancement of his truth and the glory of Jesus Christ. We acknowledge that God is the only sufficient preserver of the stateto him we fly, from him we implore assistance who has promised to hear the supplications of the

afflicted.

"Let me exhort all present earnestly to unite in this prayer to God, to bless the prince under whose protection we are now placed, that he may preserve the peace of the church, maintain the doctrines of the gospel, and promote every description of useful learning."

Some tributary lines by Melancthon further honor the memory of a name, brighter and more durable than the brass on which it is recorded.

Notior

Tu quoque, Saxonice, Joannes, inclyte Princeps
Non virtute minor cognite fratre tuo:
Eximia Christum pietate fideque colebas
Vita piæ mentis testis eratque tuæ.
Vindelicis coram tua Cæsare nuper in oris
Asseruit Christi lingua professa fidem.
tior ut fieret divini gloria verbi
Temporibus fulsit quæ rediviva tuis.
Utque Evangelii studium deponere velles
Flectere non ullæ te potuere minæ.
Ista tui incendit constantia pectoris hostes
Attulit et passim multa pericla tibi
Sed te difficili protexit tempore Christus
Et gratam pacem pro pietate dedit.
Ac tua sæpe tamen moderatio profuit ingens

Impia ne quisquam sumeret arma manu;
Hac longe superas aliorum laude triumphos
Hæc virtus magno Principe digna fuit.
Ergo tunm a nullo nomen delebitur ævo
Nec meriti laus est interitura tui.

Hic tua dum Christus meliori corpora sorte
Restituet justis, molliter ossa cubent.
Spiritus at vivat, cælique fruatur honore
Interea Christi conditus in gremio.

Virtuous as FREDERIC, thou illustrious JOHN!
Our weeping hearts reluctantly resign'd;
Whose faith and love to Christ conspicuous shone,
Whose every action mark'd a pious mind.

thou didst the faith of Christ with zeal maintain,
Nor dread imperial dictates and decrees;
Through all our coasts the truth of heaven proclaim,
Whose glory brightens even times like these.

No threats could move thee and no fears alarm,

It may be regarded as a favorable circumstance in the history of the Reformation, that the venerable Elector now deceased, was succeeded by his son JOHN FREDERIC, who was zealously attached to the Protestant cause, and exerted all the energy of his mind and the vigor of his youth to promote it.

After the retreat of the Turkish army, to which it had been compelled by the menacing appearance of the Imperial forces, Charles hastened to Italy, for the purpose of procuring a personal interview with the Pope to press the appointment of a general council. The latter, urged by an importunity which he could not resist, adopted the plausible measure of deputing his Nuncio, Hugo Rangonus, bishop of Reggio, to accompany the Emperor's ambassador to the new Elector of Saxony, as head of the Protestants, to confer on the subject of a council which he proposed should be convened at Mantua, Bologna, or Placentia. The Elector immediately summoned his principal divines. Melancthon delivered it as his decided conviction "that the Roman Pontiff was practising a piece of dissimulation to cajole them into conditions to which they must not submit that he made extraordinary concessions to induce them to agree to the decisions of a general convention of his own arrangement, to which for his part he could not agree, because it ought to be a free assembly in which opinions on both sides might be discussed fairly and without restraint that a deceptive purpose was obvious, and it would be preposterous to consent to a council before they knew what forms of proceeding were to be adopted, or who were to be implicated in its decrees-that the Emperor could not, and the Pope would not actually convene it." In this they all concurred, intimating to the Nuncio, that as the controversy had arisen and was principally conducted in Germany, there the council ought to be assembled. Nothing was effected by this negociation, excepting the Roman Pontiff's purpose of creating delay.

Although Zuinglius and Oecolampadius were now dead, the Sacramental controversy did not expire: unquestionably the conciliating spirit of Melancthon, so happily attempering his conscientious integrity, would have reconciled contending parties, had not Luther persisted in the most unwarrantable violence, which is the more to be deplored as he was obviously mistaken. In the latter end of the year 1534, Melancthon was commissioned to go and confer upon the subject with Bucer at Cassel, in the presence of the Landgrave. Bucer, who acted in the name of the ministers of upper Germany, and who exerted himself with indefatigable zeal to effect an union between the Lutherans and Zuinglians, proposed as the basis of an agreement, that "we receive truly and substantially the body and blood of Jesus Christ when we receive the sacrament

Though foes and dangers closely round thee press'd; that the bread and wine are exhibiting signs, and

Christ for thy zeal protected thee from harm,
And with tranquillity thy country bless'd.

Thy moderation check'd enkindling strife,
A triumph-and the noblest man can gain!
A praise, surpassing far the hero's life,
And worthy such a prince, so born to reign!

In Time's vast record, a distinguish'd page
Thou shalt, illustrious JOHN! for ever grace;
Thy name shall live through every future age,
Nor change nor death th' eternal lines erase.

Here in soft slumbers shall thy ashes lie,
Till Christ returns his matchless power to prove;
While thy immortal spirit mounts the sky
T' enjoy the heaven of ber Redeemer's love.

by receiving them the body and blood of Jesus Christ are given to us and received by us-that the bread and body of Jesus Christ are united, not by a mixture of substance, but as being given with the sacrament." On the report of this statement to Luther, his hostility was somewhat abated though not eradicated, which was the only ascertainable advantage that resulted from the interview.

An attempt was made during the same year by Ferdinand, Duke George, and the Elector of Saxony, to allay religious animosities, and to promote concord. The meeting of persons appointed on each side to confer, took place at Leipsic. Vehus, and Christopher Turcus, his chancellor, were the deputies of Ferdinand; Julius Phlug and George Carlovitch, appeared on the part of Duke George; the disinterested piety, indefatigable perseverance

and excellent spirit of Melancthon, naturally induced the Elector to associate him with Pontanus in this new labor. An account of the conference is still extant in the German language. It is written

by Melancthon, and distinguished by the total absence of all asperity, and the clear undisguised statement of every transaction. It appears that the attempt to unite was in vain-the papists adhered to their opinions, and the Saxon deputies would not relinquish truth. Vehus presented a form of con

MELANCTHON'S REPLY.

"Most Christian and most Potent King!

"ALTHOUGH the far-famed kingdom of France

greatly surpasses every other in the known world in many other honorable distinctions, this may be noticed with peculiar approbation that it has always excelled the rest of the nations in purity of doctrine and perpetual zeal in defence of the Christian religion. It has therefore deservedly obtained the

cord, but it distinctly mentioned the errors which appellation of most happy and most Christian, a

were most objectionable to the Protestants, especially the doctrine of the meritorious power of the mass to obtain the remission of sins. Nothing is

more illustrative of the true character of Melanes

thon than these-transactions. He was willing to approximate as far as possible, by conceding every point of difference which did not regard what he deemed essential truth; but then he became inflexi

ble. Possessed of the most benignant temper, he was formed to pacify the world, and inherited the

blessedness of the peace-maker. Matthew v. 9. Presenting to our view a rare combination of excel

lencies, a singular and pleasing union of the

Christian and the hero, we behold him firm but not violent, modest but not servile, conscientious but not punctilious.

Wherever Lutheranism was known, or literature admired, the name of Philip Melancthon was familiar. Francis I. earnestly entreated him to repair to France. Maimbourg relates, that Margaret queen of Navarre and sister to the king, united with other illustrious females attached to the court, who cherished sentiments favorable to the reformation, in requesting that he might be sent for to be consulted on the existing religious contentions. The queen frequently spoke of him to her brother as a man of exalted piety, profound learning, and singular eloquence. Francis, whose active zeal for the revival of literature in France, had acquired him the title of the Father of Letters, listened with pleasure to these representations, and immediately adopted measures to procure a visit. Voræus Fossa was despatched with a letter from the king, and a command to urge him in his name to repair to his court. The letter is preserved.

"FRANCIS, by the grace of God King of France, to our beloved Philip Melancthon, greeting:

"By means of William Bellaius Langey, our chamberlain and counsellor, to whom the management of ecclesiastical affairs is principally confided, I have for some time known it to be your peculiar study to appease the present disputes in religion; and now I find both from your letters to him, and from the report of Barnabas Voræus Fossa, who is just returned, that this is a very gratifying labor to you. I wish you to come the very first opportunity, and fully confer with some of our most eminent doctors on the reconciliation of opinions, and on other things susceptible of improvement in the government of the church, for which I feel the greatest solicitude and anxiety. However, I will send Voræus Fossa to you immediately with these letters for a safe conduct, imploring you not to be dissuaded by any one from this pious and holy undertaking. Your visit will be most grateful to me, and you are at perfect liberty to come either in a private or public character, and be assured you will find me, as indeed I always have been, nost desirous of promoting your glory, reputation, and comfort, both at home and

abroad.

"From the town of GUISE, the twenty-eighth day of June, one thousand five hundred and thirtyfive."

title most glorious, the most magnificent, that can be conferred. I congratulate your majesty that at this juncture you have undertaken the care of preserving the church, not by the application of violent remedies, but by rational means, worthy the name of the Most Christian King; and that in the midst

of the present dissensions you have so studied to moderate the violence of opposing parties, that the

genuine unadulterated doctrines of Christianity, the glory of Christ, the true dignity of the ecclesiastical constitution, and the tranquillity of the state may be promoted. Nothing can be imagined more be

coming a king than this disposition of mind and

these proceedings. I beseech your majesty to persevere in this care and concern for your kingdom: for although public dissension has in some instances furnished occasion of mischief to violent and

evil-minded ecclesiastics, yet good men have brought forward in the church many things which are essentially conducive to its welfare. Although therefore a mischievous disposition of mind ought to be restrained, yet I entreat your majesty not to be influenced by the bitter sentiments or writings of the calumnious, to suffer good and useful regulations to be abandoned in the churches. For my own part I have never been pleased with those intemperate counsels which have degraded the best and most holy order of the church, and which ought ever to be held in peculiar veneration: and I am well persuaded that all good men in your nation, who value the truth as I do, cherish this feeling. When I received your roval invitation, God is my witness how much I labored immediately to comply with it; for nothing would gratify me so much as to be of some service to the church according to my feeble capacity, and I indulge the most pleasing anticipations, from my knowledge of the piety, the moderation, and the constant aim to promote the glory of Christ displayed by your majesty. Voræus can detail the numerous difficulties which have delayed my visit, and which, though they should prevent this journey, cannot detach my mind from a steady purpose of checking by my advice and exertions the existing controversies. Voræus, however, will fully state my views.

"Finally, I commit myself to your royal favor, promising constantly to contribute my judgment with that of the pious and learned men of the church for the general good. May Christ preserve your majesty in prosperity and safety, that your government may promote the general happiness of the world and the glory of God.

Your majesty's

Most devoted servant,

PHILIP MELANCTHON.

"From Saxony, the fifth day of September, one thousand five hundred and thirty-five."

In addition to these very curious documents, a further illustration of the dispositions prevalent at this period in the French court, at least amongst some of its most enlightened ornaments, is afforded by a letter addressed to Melancthon, by Cardinal Bellaius, dated the twenty-seventh of June. After applauding the benevolent wishes, which he knew from Voræus that he entertained for the genera. cause of Christianity, the Cardinal proceeds, "I

desire nothing more ardently than that the dissensions which have so long agitated the Christian church, may be appeased. Apply the utmost of your power, my dear Melancthon, by the help of God, to promote this general pacification, and you will have the concurrent approbation of all good men, especially of Francis, who, while possessing the supreme authority, is not only the Most Christian King in name and title, but in truth, as I have long had occasion to witness. I hope every thing from your meeting, and the matured advice you will give." The warm attachment of the Cardinal may be imagined from his subscribing himself, "Yours, from my very heart, Bellaius."

incensed at these proceedings, issued a general order against heretics; and appointed a solemn procession. The Holy Ghost was carried through the city, the king walked with his feet bare and his head uncovered, attended by the queen, the princes of the blood, and all his courtiers. Six Lutherans were publicly condemned by the parliament, to be burnt, a decree which was executed with the most shocking barbarity before the procession was finished; and others were sought after with the most eager diligence.

For the purpose of explaining these circumstances and securing the Protestant alliance, Bellay was sent to the German princes. He was instructed to assure them "that the persons proscribed and punished, were guilty of seditious practices, that the king wished for an accommodation on the subject of religion, by a meeting of the Parisian and German divines, and that he was particularly desirous of a visit from Philip Melancthon." Cardinal Tournon, however, remonstrated violently against this invitation given to a heretic, and the princes of Germany soon saw reason to question the sincerity of Francis. In fact, it is difficult to reconcile his inconsistencies. He protected or persecuted the Reformers as interest or policy dictated. He allowed the duke of Orleans, his second son, to offer the free exercise of their religion to the Protestants in the dukedom of Luxemburg, and his sister, the queen of Navarre, to promote the reformed cause

In another letter, written by William Langey, and dated the sixteenth of July, Melancthon is urged by a variety of arguments to visit France. "I have explained," says he, "to my friends who are interested in the common cause, all circumstances, and have given them your letters and those of Bucer, to peruse. I feel myself somewhat implicated in this affair, and should be sorry for any thing to occur dishonorable to you, or injurious to the cause of truth and the glory of Christ. The Cardinal Langey was shown the letters you have received from me previous to their being sent, lest any thing should have been written which he might disapprove or deem contrary to the views of the king." He afterwards alludes to the controversy respecting the place of holding the proposed council, represents the good inclinations of the king, in her country of Bearn. He courted the Reformand alludes to a private consultation with Melanc-ers, yet opposed the Reformation-panegyrized thon upon the best and safest means of reforming them at Smalcald, yet persecuted them at Paristhe state of ecclesiastical affairs. Langey apolo- almost a Lutheran in Germany, and quite a Catho

gizes for the severities which had been inflicted upon some persons for their religious opinions, alleging, what however is not very admissible, that they were only a set of enthusiasts of notorious character, whom Melancthon himself would have been inclined to punish. After urging various other considerations to induce his compliance with the king's request, who, he says, was not only prepossessed in his favor, but naturally acute, prudent and willing to listen to sound argument; he concludes thus, "I exhort you, I conjure you for Christ's sake not to neglect the present occasion of accomplishing a business of all others the most glorious in which mortals can be engaged."

The Sorbonne divines probably would not very readily have united in these pressing solicitations, for how could they forget or forgive the satirical pen of Melancthon? And there is reason to suspect that a temporizing policy more than a spirit of sincere inquiry after truth dictated their prince's invitation. Francis had seized the opportunity afforded him by the full employment of the emperor's confederate forces against the Turks, to renew his claims in Italy, and used every effort to excite in the different princes of Europe, a jealousy of his rival's power. But his measures were disconcerted, and from the operation of different causes, he was generally unsuccessful. The invitation he received from the associated Protestant princes at Smalcald, was therefore at this crisis peculiarly welcome, and he was naturally led to use every endeavor to promote his own views by securing their confidence. For this purpose he negotiated and flattered, accommodating himself to their religious prejudices, affecting a wonderful moderation and even a spirit of pious inquiry in matters of controversy. A very curious affair had been transacted at Paris, to which

lic in France. Francis even permitted Bellay to explain his sentiments to the German princes, on some of the most important subjects of difference, in terms not very dissimilar to those used by the Protestants.

Some of Melancthon's friends urged him to accept the king of France's invitation, believing that it might prove a most favorable occasion for promoting the reformed religion in that country, and for checking the progress of the Catholic persecutions: but others were apprehensive that his visit would be attended with considerable personal danger, and advised him to remain in Saxony. Melancthon himself was by no means indisposed to comply with the king's request, supposing that his presence in France was not unlikely to be attended with some advantage to the Reformation. Luther, for similar reasons, was very urgent with the Elector to allow his friend to go, and alleged that the very expectation of seeing Melancthon, had already put a stop to the persecutions in France.

Witte

The Elector could not, however, be prevailed upon to give his consent. He felt apprehensive of offending the Emperor, and conceived no hopes of promoting any real good to the Reformation by such a permission. Policy of course, dictated a different excuse to Francis, to whom he wrote in a courteous manner, assuring him of his inclination to gratify his wishes, but pleading "the peculiar and distressing aspect of the times, and the unpleasant reflections he should be likely to incur. The Wittemberg academicians, he said, being dispersed by a pestilential disorder and obliged to retire to Jena, he could not possibly at present part with Melancthon. If, however, his services should hereafter be deemed necessary, and the pressure of present difficulties be somewhat alleviated, he would send a more decithe preceding letter of Langey refers. Some of the sive answer to his Majesty and give him permission Parisians, who had imbibed the principles of Pro- to visit France. In the mean time he offered his testantism, posted up hand bills in several of the most ready services in promoting the gospel of Christ, public places, and on the gates of the Louvre, con- together with the temporal and eternal welfare of taining reflections on the doctrines, rites and clergy the king, his government, and the churches of of the church of Rome. The king being highly | France."

reader.

"Master Secretary, after our most hearty commendations, ye shal understand that having received the letters sent unto you from Sir John Wallop, and shewed the same unto the king's majesty, his plesure thereupon was, that we should dispatch these our letters incontinentely unto you concerning the accomplishment and doing of these things ensueing.

Melancthon was extremely chagrined at the Elec-ous, and shall be quoted for the amusement of the tor's interdiction, and it may be justly regretted; for who can doubt that his amiable deportment, elegant taste, nice discrimination, and exemplary candor, might have produced a very favorable impression upon a prince, who if he were after all a religious bigot, was much addicted to literature, and might have been moderated, if not changed by mildness? The Langean family would have been gratified and confirmed in their good inclinations-the queen of Navarre would have hailed his visit, and a thousand secret machines might have been set in motion by his influence. But he was obliged to content himself with sending a small treatise into France, containing his opinion and advice on the best means of settling religious controversies, and which though never published is inserted in the collections of Pezelius.

Early in the spring of this year, Doctor Robert Barnes was sent by Henry VIII., king of England, to consult with the Saxon theologians, on the subject of the intended divorce of his queen. Upon his arrival, most of the professors and scholars were removed in consequence of the plague which raged in Wittemberg, to Jena, in Thuringia. Luther, Jonas, Cruciger, and Melancthon, gave him recommendatory letters to the Elector. He brought letters of invitation to Melancthon who was urged by the king to pay a visit to England. Henry of fered him ample security from all molestation, and even hostages if he required it. Luther was extremely anxious that he should be allowed to go, for "who knows," says he, "what God may intend to accomplish, his wisdom is greater than ours, and his will superior." He wished Melancthon's feelings to be consulted, who was deeply disappointed at the Elector's previous refusal of his invitation to France.

In his first letter to the king, written in March, he compliments Henry in a very elegant style upon his literary inclinations, and after deploring the wretched state of letters in Germany, through the intemperate violence of religious controversy, he implores him to use every effort to promote them, and to take the persecuted muses under his protec

tion.

By means of Alexander Aless, a Scotchman,

who went into England, Melancthon took the op

portunity of presenting a copy of his Commentary on the Romans to the king, who, with a munificence worthy of a distinguished sovereign, immediately

presented him with two hundred crowns,

him a letter in which he expresses his high appro

bation of his extraordinary zeal in defending Christian religion, and his disposition to assist and promote his good intentions by every means in his power. To this communication, Melancthon returned an answer in the following month of De

cember. He compliments the king upon his professed attachment to religious truth, and assures him that these sentiments had afforded himself and others, to whom he had read his letters the greatest satisfaction. In addition to Dr. Barnes' commission, Haynes and Mount had been despatched secretly to Sir John Wallop, ambassador in Paris, for the purpose of dissuading Melancthon from continuing in France, if he had undertaken the journey, and to allure him to England. Sir John Wallop was soon able to alleviate the anxiety of the king of England, by assuring him, in a despatch dated the seventeenth of August, that there was reason to believe Melanc

"First, his Grace's plesure is, that you shal im mediately upon the receit hereof dispatch Barnes in post with Deryk in his company into Germany. commanding him to use such diligence in his journey, that he may and it be possible, meet with Melancthon before his arrival in France. And in case he shal so meet with him, not only dissuade his going thither; declaring how extremely the French king doth persecute those that wil not grant unto the bishop of Romes usurped power and jurisdiction; using in this part al persuasions, reasons and means that he can devise to impeach and let his said journey thither; saying unto him how much it should be to his shame and reproach to vary and go now from that true opinion wherein he hath so long continued: But also on the other side to persuade him also that he may (be willing) to convert his said journey hither; shewing him as wel the conformity of his opinion and doctrine here, as the nobility and vertues of the king's majesty, with the good entertainment which undoubtedly he shal have here at his Grace's hands.

"And if percase the said Barnes shal not meet with him before his arrival in France, then the said

Barnes, proceeding himself further in his journey toward the princes of Germany shal with al diligence return in post to the K. H. the said Diryk, of the certainty of the said Melancthon's coming into France and such other occurrents as he shal then know. And if the said Diryk be not now ready to go with him, the king's plesure is ye shal in his sted appoint and send such one other with the said

as ye shal think meet for that purpose.

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"Furthermore, the king's plesure is yee shal upand Christopher Mount, in post to repair into on the receit hereof immediately cause Mr. Haines France, to Sir John Wallop in as secret a manner him and not as sent by the king. And in case they

they can, and coming like his friends to visit

shal by him or otherwise learn and know, that Me

lancthon is there arrived, then his Grace wol, that

the said Haines and Mount, shal, in such sort, as they be not much noted, resort unto him and for the dissuading of his continuance there, or the alteration of his opinion and the alluring of him hither; to use such reasons and persuasions as be before

written, with such other as they can further devise for that purpose. To the which Haines and Mount, the king's plesure is, ye shal deliver like copies of the same Dean's book, (Richard Sampson Dean of the Chapel,) and the Bishops sermons to be shewed unto the said Melancthon, or otherwise used, as

may be most expedient for the achyevement of the king's purpose in that behalf.

"And to make an end, his Grace wol in no wise that Barnes and Haynes shal tary for any further instruction of the bishop of Canterbury or any other.

thon would not visit France. Henry, however, Having his Grace determined to send the same after hastened Mount to him into Germany, with the view by Mr. Almoner and Hethe; but that he Mr. Haynes of superseding the French ambassador's application. and Mount shal with al possible diligence depart So solicitous were two of the most distinguished immediately in post without any lenger tarying monarchs of Europe to cultivate the friendship and than for this their depeche shal be necessary. So to obtain the advice of Philip Melancthon.

as their abode impeach not the king's purpose,

The original documents are not a little curi-touching the said Melancthon. And thus fare you

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