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they say, perhaps with truth, is rather injurious than beneficial to the linen.
Another large manufactory, is that of white tape, belonging to Mr. Gebauer, which is likewise a recent establishment here. It is a linen manufactory in miniature, the whole process of making it being exactly the same. This, however, is more properly a manufactory, as the weaving, as well as the bleaching and dressing, is done here. There are between thirty and forty looms at work; and in each loom, from fifteen to thirty-six pieces of tape are made, in proportion to the width, which varies from about three inches, to a quarter of an inch. The machine by which so many shuttles are set in motion by one loom, is an English invention, as is, without exception, every contrivance for the abridgment of labour, which we have yet seen in this province.
"The weaving is likewise performed in the manufactories of printed linens and cottons, and of damask table-linen. The printed linens are principally handkerchiefs and shawls; the figures upon which are partly painted by women, and partly made by wooden moulds, the surface of which is first laid upon the colours, ready prepared, and then applied to the linen. In cotton they work very little; and what they make is very much inferior to the English.
The table-linen is inferior in quality, and higher in price, than that made in Saxony. This manufactory does not thrive here, and would soon go entirely to ruin, but for the particular encouragement of the government. The damask is made either of linen altogether. or with a mixture of silk, of which they make a sort of table-cloths, much used within the country, but not exported elsewhere.' P. 136.
We shall again intrude, by selecting a picture of private life.
• From the cloister at Grüsau (the day before yesterday), we returned to dine with Mr. Ruck, at Landeshut. It was a formal dinner of thirty persons, according to the fashion of the country; we sat down soon after one, and rose from table just before six. The whole of this time is employed in eating; for the ladies and gentlemen all rose together, and there was very little wine drunk. But as only one dish is served at a time, and in a dinner of three courses every dish must be handed round to every guest, the intervals between the dishes are of course very long; the usual time of sitting on such occasions, we are told, is about seven hours, but it was here abridged out of complaisance to us. After dinner we walked in the garden, and coffee was served in an arbour, where we sat some time and conversed. As evening came on, the company sat down to cards, and played until We were eleven, when a cold collation was served in another room. now permitted, as strangers, to return to our inn; but the rest of the company continued at their cards and the collation until half past twelve. This is the usual course of a great dinner in Silesia. The company consisted of the principal linen-merchants, and the Lutheran clergy of the place. Among them I found men of agreeable manners and of considerable information, but none of them spoke any other language than German. In general throughout Silesia speaking French is considered as an affectation of high life, and a sort
of ridicule is cast upon it; so that many who are well versed in the language scruple at speaking it even with a stranger.' P. 153.
We had here intended to take our leave, but are tempted to copy a little more: we trust the extracts (they are not long) will offer their own apology.
Yet, however interesting the sight of this country may be to a traveller passing through it at this season of the year, its attractions are counterbalanced by too many inconveniences to make it an inviting place for a permanent residence. We have had ample occasion to convince ourselves that the representations of the Prussian travellers in these regions, who make Saturnine times roll round again to bless this land with innocence and happiness, are greatly exaggerated, to say the least. Those passions which, in the more closely accumulated societies of mankind, contribute to make human life miserable, being here confined to a narrower sphere, and applied to smaller objects, are still active to make it uncomfortable. The climate, likewise, is at least by ten degrees of latitude more rigorous than that of the same parallel upon level land. Those mountain-tops, upon which we were regaled with refreshing breezes, are, almost the whole year round, swept with chilling blasts; those trees which now wave their verdure over the brows of the hills, three quarters of the year stretch forth these leafless branches, as if to implore the mercy of an unreJenting sky; those fields which now seem to exult under the burden of their fertility, six months of the twelve lie bleaching under a thick crust of snow. The transitions from heat to cold, even at the fairest reason, are so great, so frequent, and sudden, as often to prove pernicious to the health; and scarcely any of the fruits of temperate regions here enjoy enough of the genial warmth of the sun to attain maturity. Were we to give full credit to Zöllner, the most moderate of the Prussian tourists in Silesia, we should suppose beggars to be a race of beings unheard of on the Silesian side of the mountains, but that the instant you set your foot into Bohemia, they swarmed round you by thousands. The superior condition of the Silesians is, indeed, very clearly, and even strongly marked in this particular, as the beg gars are certainly more numerous on the Bohemian side. But even on the other, we were not fortunate enough to pass a single day without meeting more than one beggar; and the train of women and children who followed us to the Zacken-fall, gasping for a dreyer, was as numerous as that which pursued us among the ruins of Adersback." *. 178.
• Beyond Landeck we had been assured before we left Berlin that we should find very little for instruction, and nothing for pleasure. We had therefore fixed that for the bound of our outward excursion; and having on Saturday evening and yesterday morning satisfied our curiosity with a view of what was remarkable in the place, between eleven o'clock and noon set out upon our return. But we doubled at least the distance of the way, and more than trebled it in the badness of the roads, by going to see the waterfall at Wölfelsgründe. If you
have ever stood at the edge of a precipice two hundred feet steep, with your arm round a tree, about as big as itself, shooting out from the side of the abrupt; to hang over and look down upon a sheet of water that pours in a beautiful arch from a rock eighty feet downwards, and dashes in snowy foam upon another rock; or if you have ever stood at the bottom, in the narrow cleft between two high mountains which look as if they had been split asunder at one stroke of an Almighty hand; and there, in the thrilling coolness of a spot which never beheld the radiance of the sun, with the silvery spray sprinkling your face like dew, looked up to the massive fragments of rock over which hang the steep declivities of mountains clad with dark, lofty, majestic trees, rising in rows behind each other, like an amphitheatre; if you have seen and felt all that a scene like this inspires, but which would disdain to be conveyed by descriptive powers infinitely superior to mine, then, my dear brother, I am not afraid of your inquiring whe ther I have not had enough of waterfalls. That of Wölfelsgründe is about the same height as the Kochel-fall, but has a much greater effect than either of the three we had seen before, being much better supplied with water.' P. 195.
We have enlarged further on this work than we designed. It was, as we have said, in many parts new, and generally interesting. It reached us in no imposing form, decorated with no meretricious ornaments, raised by no pompous panegyric exciting and disappointing expectation. It was therefore necessary to give it that countenance which it did not claim from its own modest mode of introduction-that importance which it did not arrogate.
We ought, in turn, as candid critics, to point out its faults. It probably has more; yet we have detected but few. Its claims alfo are few; but these it has supported: its pretensions are not lofty; but in these it has not failed. A political and statistical view of Silesia, from the German travellers, with a fhort account of the most celebrated Silesian authors, concludes the volume.
ART. III.-Geil's Topography of Troy.
(Continued from Vol. III. page 90.)
WE left this interesting work at the period where the author speaks of the foundations, the ruins of Troy. We paused with the sacred awe of the classical scholar, who has been taught that even the ruins have perished.' This circumstance has induced us again to examine the whole of the evidence for the local situation of this famous scene of the most stupendous, the most interesting, military exploits of antiquity; and we again can positively assert, that, if Homer had local as well as names, in his mind's eye, the scenery delineated by our author applies to the description in every part. On the Acropolis, the ruins obviously remain: from this
to the warm springs, the situation of Troy is incontrovertible. The other diameter is not equally distinct; but this is imma terial: two great points are here unquestionable-Pergamus and the Scean Gate. To this we may add, that, if due attention be paid to the changes of the coast, there is a sufficient harbour for the Grecian fleet; a sufficient space for the Grecian camp. On these points, however, we must soon be more minute.
Let us in a word recapitulate, that, for a real or imaginary offence, all the Grecian chieftains united in a predatory expedition against what was, at that period, the depôt of commercial riches, at the entrance of the Euxine, the sea through which the trade of the North and of the East was conveyed. That with the same piratic spirit, these buccaneers of antiquity ravaged the neighbouring coasts for a series of years, till they at last sat down before Troy. The whole narrative supposes a harbour and a plain in the direct vicinity of the city. The rivers form no impediment; so that in the general operations of the assailants, no fords were to be crossed or disputed. When, then, we look at the remaining foundations, the first question that occurs, is, How did it happen, that, at the distance of little more than 700 years, no ruins were said to exist; although at this time, when 2987 years have elapsed, such ruins are actually found?
The solution of this question is by no means intricate. From what cause such a fact may have arisen, is not clear; but it is a fact, nevertheless, that the situation of ancient Troy was nearly or altogether unknown. The country was not surveyed with Homer in the hands of the topographers; for the warm springs would have led them to the Scæan Gate, and this last to the Acropolis. The probable cause was, that they sought Troy too near the shores from which the Hellespont had receded. This latter fact indeed Strabo knew; but Demetrius, from whom he received his principal information, does not appear to have been acquainted with it.
Another circumstance which brings us more nearly to our author's opinion, relates to the number of Grecian combatants, which we think have been greatly overrated. Mr. Gell, on this subject, offers the following observations.
That point of the hill touching the Simois on the south west, is much elevated, and may be seen in the thirty-eighth plate. To the east of the village a road passes along a valley, which divides the hill of Bounarbashi from an eminence extending to the Simois. There is not, I think, reason to believe that this eminence formed part of the city, for there appears without it a sufficient space for the dwellings of that number of inhabitants which Troy may be supposed to have contained. Agamemnon in the second book of the Iliad asserts, that the Trojans were so few in number, that if the Greeks could have made
slaves of them, there would not have been found a sufficient quantity of captives to have allowed one to wait at table where ten Greeks might dine. Now the number of the Greeks at the commencement of the expedition was about 150,000, which may be found by adding together the forces of the different leaders enumerated in the catalogue of the ships. At the time, however, when Agamemnon spoke, the Greek forces must have been considerably diminished by a series of battles fought at Lyrnessus, at Thebes, and other cities of the Asiatic continent, as well as by a long protracted war, and a pestilence which had recently carried off great numbers of the people. Their army is generally conceived to have consisted of about 120,000 men, and that estimate does not allow of more than 12,000 to the Trojans. Suppose then 12,000 men, as many women, and by the usual rough mode of calculation, twice that number of aged persons and children, there would be at last a population only of 48,000 souls in Troy, and that number might easily inhabit a space not greater than that of the hill of Bounarbashi. Many instances might be given from the comparison of ether ancient cities, to prove that the population was almost invariably compressed into a very limited compass. Among others, Rome, which cannot be supposed to have contained less than a million of souls, was never, within the walls, more than twelve or fourteen miles in circumference, and Syracuse, which had 800,000 inhabitants, was included within a triangle, the sides of which were not at most four miles in length. Supposing, however, that every side of the triangle were four miles long, the area included would be only eight times greater than that of Troy, though the number of inhabitants was in the proportion of sixteen to one. That the population of ancient cities in fact occupied a much smaller extent of ground than is usual in those of modern times, may be seen by comparing the ancient with the present state of Athens; for though the buildings yet cover a tenth part of the space within the original walls, it does not contain 10.000 souls: whereas the same extent of soil must have afforded room, in the flourishing times of the republic, for at least 30,000; for the lowest calculation gives 300,000 inhabitants to that city. Another argument in favour of this idea, may be deduced from the description of the royal palace itself; where we find the younger princes of the house lodged under the same roof with the king, though almost all were grown up, and many were married. Should it be objected, that a state, the capital of which could not muster 50,000 inhabitants, was incapable of maintaining a protracted war against such numerous and powerful enemies as the confederate Greeks, the answer is obvious. The Trojans were certainly unable to keep the field for any length of time; and nothing but an impregnable fortress, defended by a numerous garrison, preserved them during so severe a contest. In fact, a city containing 50,000 inhabitants, must have been in those days worthy of the epithets bestowed on it by the poet. Compare it with the well-built Athens: that city must have been in the time of the Trojan war, much inferior to Ilion in extent, consisting of nothing more than the Cecropia, and a very small enclosure surrounding the base of the hill. Troy, with its spacious streets, must have been truly magnificent when compared to such a