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be most distant from the sea; and we find that Hector, on arriving at the ships, could seise that of Protesilaus, which was probably one of the smallest. In this arrangement, the flanks consisted of single vessels only; but they were guarded by the greatest heroes, Ajax and Achilles. Thus we find the former stationed at the promontory which still remains on one side; and the latter, when he retired from the army, descending to the sea, and walking discontentedly on the shore. The extent of the encampment could not have been considerable, as the voice of Agamemnon could be heard from the centre through each flank. Yet this, too, may have been poetic exaggeration. We must not, however, leave Mr. Gell's topographical description without transcribing the following observations, which are truly important.
The river Scamander, united with the Simois, flowed, even in the time of Strabo, into the port of the Achæans, as it was then called, at the place indicated by a dotted line from Koum Kevi. The remains of the ancient channel may yet be found at that village, and may be traced towards the junction of the rivers at the tomb of Ilus. Scamandria was at the spot where the Scamander fell into the sea, as Pliny informs us. Now Scamander was only twelve stadia from New Ilium, according to the same author, and the more any place lay to the westward of the vestiges called Scamandria in the map, the more would the distance from New Ilium be increased beyond that measurement, while on the east a rocky hill must have set bounds to the wandering of Scamander on that side. Perhaps the differences of opinion on the subject of the ancient mouth of the river have been owing to the importance of the town of Sigæum, when compared to the insignificance of the miserable village of Scamandria; an importance which has induced some authors to say, that the outlet was near Sigæum, being a place so much better known to the world. It was however near Sigæum, not being more than two miles and a half distant. If then it be clear, that the Scamander fell into the Karanlic Limani, in the time of Strabo, at the ruins of Scamandria, and in the time of Agamemnon at the point where the dotted line crosses the stream Thymbrius, it will be allowed that the Greek encampment must have occupied a curved shore on the southern bank of that brook, flanked on the south east by the river or dotted line, and on the north west by the station of Achilles, which was near the spot now marked by the common tumulus of the Greeks. It has been previously stated, that before the new canal near Erkissi Kevi deprived the Scamander of its waters, that river must have imparted its own direction to the Simois, for its stream was not only more copious but perennial, and this circumstance would bring it, in conformity with the testimonies of Strabo and Pliny, to its junction with the sea, at the distance of only six stadia from New Ilium, not far from the modern village of Koum Kevi. On the other hand, the canal having reduced the Scamander, before its junction with the Simois, to a mere brook, the latter has continued its progress without interruption to Koum Kale.
The next object worthy of notice is a mount of considerable magnitude, on the south of the village of Koum Kevi. There is every reason to suppose it artificial, for it is perfectly insulated, and stands on a dead flat near the dry channel. The heap is not lofty, and appears to have been levelled, for the purpose of placing on its summit some kind of edifice, of which two or three marble columns are the remains. The building was, probably, a small Ionic temple; but perhaps the columns may have been brought as grave-stones from the ruins of Alexandria, Troas, or New Ilium. The mount seems too extensive to have been designed for a tumulus, and, if it be coeval with the war of Troy, must have been either the Agora of the Greeks, which is mentioned by Homer, as the place where the marts and places of worship were erected, or the Throsmos, which was so inconveniently situated for the invaders, while the Trojans were encamped upon it. The Batieia, or tomb of Myrinne, it could not be; for when the enemy was advancing on a plain, from a camp only seven miles distant from the city, it would have been absurd and impossible for Hector to have marched more than six miles to meet them, before he marshalled his army. The Agora was in the open space between the ships and the wall of the Greek camp, so that the intrenchments might possibly have extended southward as far as Koum Kevi. No objection however can be made to placing the Thrōsmos here, for that was confessedly near the camp. The arguments in favour of the mount near the modern bridge of Scamander have been already detailed; the reader may be guided by his own judgment in forming his opinion. It should be remembered that the Throsmos was positively by the Xanthus, which the mount at Koum Kevi must have been, when that river emptied itself at Scamandria.' P. 115.
The author next considers some circumstances relating to the ancient history of the Trojans, and the country from which they originally migrated; and here, as if determined complaisantly to repay the credit which Mr. Bryant has perhaps lost by his investigations on the Troad, he assents to his two reveries (or what at least we think may be so styled) in his Analysis of Ancient History.
'The account of the territory of Troy being thus completed, it will perhaps be necessary to make a few observations on the inhabitants at the time of the invasion of the Greeks. The learned Mr. Bryant informs us in the third volume of his Mythology, p. 459, that the Trojans came originally from Egypt; for they were of one family with the Titanians and the Meropians. Ilus is distinguished as a Merop Atlantian, and he was of the race of the Trojan kings, consequently they were all Merop Atlantians. Herodotus also observes, that the Atlantians of Phrygia were skilled in the sciences, and Diodorus says, that they were allied to the gods and heroes, a circumstance which may account for the difference of language which existed between the gods and men, of which Homer takes notice. Dardanus is said by Homer to have been the son of Jupiter; he is called Arcas by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and is said by him to have come from CRIT. REV. Vol. 4. January, 1805.
Arcadia, after a deluge, with Corybas his nephew, to Samothrace; whence he passed over into Phrygia. Mr. Bryant observes that they introduced rites in memory of the ark in Phrygia, and from the names of cities in that country, such as Theba and Larissa, which signify the Ark the fact is extremely probable. Dardanus is said to have built a city bearing his name, on the Hellespont; and by Stephanus Byzantinus to have married Batieia, Asia, or Arisbe, the daughter of Teucer, who was the son of Scamander and Ida, and from whom a Phrygian dynasty received its name. The city Arisbe was probably named from her, and from her ancestors the mountain Ida and the river Scamander seem to have been called.
That river had, however, either received the name of Xanthus in earlier times, for Scamander was the name used by mortals in the age of Priam, or Xanthus was applied to it by the colony introduced by Dardanus, who was the reputed son of Jupiter, or rather who introduced the worship of that deity. Erichthonus, the issue of that marriage, became the possessor, not only of Dardanus, but of the plain, afterwards called the plain of Troy, for he is said to have kept 3000 mares grazing in the marsh. It appears that these might be the priestesses of the goddess Hippa, who were figuratively so called, as Mr. Bryant informs us. Of Batieia, Asia, or Arisbe, the daughter of Teucer, it may be observed, that she was of a family, or was herself the leader of a people, who originally came from Africa. The gods, says Homer, called her Myrinne, and Diodorus thought she was contemporary with Isis and Osiris. She was allied to Orus, and passed through Egypt, Syria, and Cilicia, in her way to Phrygia, building the cities of Cuma, Pitane, and Priene, on her route, and taking possession of Lesbos and Samothrace, in the latter of which she for some time took up her residence. The two colonies led by Dardanus and Myrinne are thus brought from Egypt to Samothrace, and it is not improbable that they might in fact have formed one and the same people. Myrinne however was the leader of a powerful army, and seems to have been more warlike or more unfortunate than her husband; for, not content with the continent of Phrygia, she attacked Thrace at the instigation of the augur Mopsus, and was slain. Her tomb has often been mentioned, and is particularized by Homer as a mount of earth, which some have supposed to have been covered with brambles, from the resemblance it bears to the Greek word, Baros, a bramble, yet if so it would not have been selected for marshalling an army.' P. 119.
Mr. Bryant says, that almost all salt or warm springs were dedicated to the sun in early ages, when that luminary was considered as the greatest of the deities. The Troad abounded with such fountains. Zeleia was the capital of a Phrygian province, and this name is particularized as connected with salt-springs. The name Æneas seems to be derived from a fountain sacred to the solar divinity, and Mr. Bryant mentions a spring in Thrace of that name, dedicated to the god. The same may be said of Enone, the wife of Paris, whose name was a compound of Ain, a fountain, and On, the sun. Xanthus may be derived from the words Zan and Thoth, both of which are
given by Mr. Bryant as titles of the sun; and Scamander, the other name of that stream, seems to have been of similar signification, being a compound of Cham, the sun or heat, and An, a fountain. The warmth of the spring also justifies such an appellation. Many other instances might be added, to shew the intimate connection between the names of places and the deities to which they were consecrated. The whole history of Troy seems exceedingly reconcileable to the system of Mr. Bryant, from whom, indeed, almost every circumstance here mentioned is borrowed. I shall conclude with an observation of that author, that the Egyptians sent colonies into Epirus, and the countries on the western coast of Greece. The great similarity of names is adduced as a proof. That there was some connection between Epirus and Phrygia after the destruction of Troy, is manifest not only from the authority of Virgil, but from the wonderful and truly singular correspondence of the plain of Buthrotum or Butrinto with that of Troy. seems impossible to produce a more unequivocal proof that the plain near B-o-unarbashi is the real plain of Troy, than that of finding, in a distant country, its exact counterpart, chosen by the wife of Hector, on account of a similitude of which she was competent to judge, and retaining to this day its original aspect.' P. 123.
In these passages Mr. Gell admits with too little reserve the Grecian etymologies and the Grecian origins. We have often adverted to this subject, and observed that, from an ambition. to have every thing their own, they have interpolated fables with heroes, with names suitable to those of the countries which they reached in the course of their migrations. The language of the Grecians and Trojans was probably the same; for each seems to have been derived from the Asiatic stock on the east and north-east of the continent. The term Barbarian did not, as we are expressly informed by Thucydides, exist in the days of Homer; and, when it was employed, it was not at first disrespectful in its application. The historian observes, that the Trojans and Grecians understood each other as ξυνίεσαν, αλλήλοις ομωφονοι ησαν. Strabo particularly observes, that the language of the Geta and the Lacedæmonians was the same (P. 468), and in another place, that the Getæ spoke the same language with the Thracians*. We see, however, the traces of two languages, that, as it is styled, of gods and that of men; but the difference is in the appellatives alone: and when we observe that the language of men is derived from the Celtic, we are naturally led to consider the gods, according to the Grecian system, as heroes and conquerors. Thus, to select
The term Barbarian was not disrespectful, but was merely used in contradiction to Grecian. As when the philosopher thanked Heaven, 1st, That he was a human being, and not a brute ; 2dly, a man, and not a woman; 3dly, a Grecian, and not a Barbarian.
instances from the subject before us: Troy, Troja, is, in its Celtic appellation, Tre-oim, the settlements of the Õim, and Aia is country; but, in the language of the gods, it is Ilium, HA-wov, the temple of the sacred Ŏon. Astyanax, Plato tells us, is synonymous with Hector. It is so, for asvavat is protector of the city, and Ach-Twr*, in the Celtic, has the same meaning. Xanthus is the appellative of the gods for Scamander, and Commendwr, in the Cumraig, is a winding river, and by prefixing the Celtic ys, we have the term Scamander. These instances, selected from governor Pownal's Essay, might be more numerous; but they are sufficient, and the whole evidence leads us to the system of the best antiquaries, that a migration of Scythians or Goths from the East pressed on the Celts, and gradually expelled them. These were the gods, while the Celts were the men. The remarks of our author have led us chiefly to the etymological proofs: there are others of still more importance, were it necessary or expedient to pursue the subject.
Mr. Gell's observations from Mr. Bryant suggest only one other topic, viz. the source of the population of Greece and of the Troad. That the Trojans were a Grecian colony has been asserted by authors of credit, and it is expressly said, that Dardanus led a colony of Cretans across the Hellespont: that the latter spoke the same language is evident, from the consent of those who lived nearest the era of the war. The source of the population of Greece is a question that might require a volume. Every historian has drawn them from Egypt; but it is an anomaly in colonization to find neither the customs, the language, nor the religion of the parent stock in the descendants. It has never yet happened: it is most improbable that it ever should happen. The error has arisen from not attending to the synchronism of the expulsion of the shepherd race from Egypt with the first Gothic colonization of Greece. The shepherds, that for a long time held the Egyptians in awe, and partly in subjection, were at last expelled: they were Asiatics, and, in religion, language, and manners, opposite to the Egyptians. The Greeks had an Asiatic language, Asiatic deities, and an Asiatic ritual. Can there be a doubt, then, of their origin? We cannot pursue the subject, nor enter into the proofs within a moderate compass; but may only instance, as Asiatic, the mysteries of Eleusis and the worship of the Antep, the magna mater, Ceres. There is not the slightest proof, that either was Egyptian in its early period, or in any period strikingly so. After the arrival indeed of Orpheus from Egypt, if he ever existed, some innovations took place in the Eleusinian
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