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1801.

pal Clerk of the House of Commons read to them tician.

"With respect to the subject of Catholic emancipation, "he requested, that Noble Lords would not then bring forward

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a topic first introduced for the purpose of rebellion. He " requested them to give the union a fair trial, before they " should make any experiment, that might interfere with the "benefit to be expected from that measure. It was a question,

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upon which the greatest diversity of opinion prevailed in "Ireland. He would solemnly assure that house, that of the " Catholics themselves 99 out of 100 did not care one jot for "Catholie emancipation. What they wanted and understood " by Catholic emancipation was a partition of property, by "which every man should possess 10 acres of land and be " exempted from payment of tithes. Unfortunately there was no country in Europe, in which so much diversity of opinion prevailed as in Ireland. A Noble Lord (Carlisle), who had " delivered his sentiments that night, had lived too long in it, "not to know perfectly well, that such was the case. Its inha"bitants were of very combustible materials, and the house "should be aware of suffering any insinuations to escape, that " might throw a fire-brand amongst them, and excite a flame "only to be extinguished in the blood of intolerance." He deprecated all discussions of the question. This Noble Lord vehemently urged the perpetuation of Martial Law and other coercive measures in Ireland. This doctrine must have strongly recommended his Lordship to the new administration, which had been formed upon one, that had resigned upon a declared inability to carry a measure of conciliation, and a professed determination to support an opposite system. He gave a very lively account of a murder, that had happened 18 months before under hisowil roof, and referred to the perturbed state of the County of Wicklow, where Lord Fitzwilliam's property lay, during the rebellion, in order to induce their Lordships to keep the country under Martial Law. His speech on the 23d of March, (within a week of the new appointments having been published) flowed with malicious bitterness against his country. He assured their Lordships, that the common law was incompetent to keep down

a letter from Mr. Addington tendering his resignation of the office of speaker, which had been rendered incompatible with the new duty imposed upon him by his Sovereign. Mr. Pitt communicated his Majesty's pleasure, that the house should proceed to the election of a new speaker. Sir John Mitford, (now Lord Redesdale) was chosen on the next day. It was not till the 17th of the month, that Mr. Pitt took an opportunity of publicly professing his grounds for retiring. They ran in unison with those of Lord Grenville, and leave not a shade of ambiguity about the preconcerted system of raising*

the Irish, and that it was truly said, "That crown law made "the solicitor fat, the Attorney General lean and melancholy,

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acquitted assassins and assassinated the witnesses." Then by way of inducing capitalists to settle in Ireland, he drew the following sketch of his country within three months after the union. "Every night, said he, that he retired to his cham

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ber, he retired to an Armoury: every day, when he went out " of his house, his servant as regularly handed him his pistols, as "his hat. Noble Lords would then have some idea of the tran"quillity of Ireland, at least no small impression of the neces "sity of continuing martial law there. If any Noble Lord " doubted him, he wished him but the gratification of a solitary " evening's tide there, and his doubts would very soon vanish. "Or if any Noble Lord were desirous with more effect to gratify " his knowledge and establish his conviction on these points, he "should have a villa gratis from him as long, as he should like " to try the experiments."

*Mr. Pitt had in 1800 made a very elaborate speech in favour of union, in which he artfully laboured to prove, that it was the readiest and surest measure for producing Catholic emancipation. Ten thousand copies of it were distributed by Government to inculcate that idea.

1801.

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1801.

and in the same moment defeating Ireland's expесtation of being emancipated. "I and some of my "colleagues did recommend a measure, which " under the circumstances of the union we thought " of great importance to the completing of that

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measure, and the full attainment of all those " advantages, which we expected to derive from "it. We felt that conviction so strongly, that "the measure appeared to us to be indispensible.

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But finding we could not propose it from Go"vernment" we thought it inconsistent with our duty and our honor to continue in office."*

* Mr. Pitt in his speech against Mr. Grey's motion to go into the consideration of the state of the nation gave a much fuller explanation of the grounds of his resignation. He observed, that since resignation and mystery had in his regard been coupled together and the name of the King been brought into the question; and although he knew of no call upon him to give the reasons, why he resigned, yet by way of hypothetical illustration, he spoke a language intelligible to all. Supposing the opinion of the Sovereign to be one way, and that of his Minister the other, had not his Majesty a right to dismiss the "servant so differing " from him from his councils." He enlarged much upon this topic. He took that opportunity of disclaiming the term Catholic emancipation: denying, that the Catholics had ever been in that situation, which justified the application of it to them. Mr. Fox in answer to that and some other parts of Mr. Pitt's speech, in which he had tauntingly charged him and his friends with jacobinism, thus spoke. "I say Sir I believe in the original " rights of man. He who does not, is unworthy of the benefit of "mankind. I think a Catholic man and a Protestant man ought "alike to have the original right of man. Are all benefits to " be abandoned, because the Right Honourable Gentleman has " not the sanction of some persons? I respect the monarchy of "the country: but the monarch has nothing to do with the

1801.

On the same day in the Lords an interesting conversation took place between Lord Holland and Ministerial

tenderness

Catholic

Lord Auckland. The former wishing to throw to mention light upon the mysterious secession of all the effi- emancipa -cient Ministers, had before noticed his intention of tion. calling for copies or reports of the Communications passed between the Catholic Committee and the agents of Government; to which Lord Auckland urged insuperable objections. All those, who re mained in, or who expected to become members of the new administration, systematically deprecated every recurrence to this sore and important subject; such also was the feeling of Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenville*. In as much as Mr. Pitt chose to commit the character and reputation of himself and such of his colleagues, in whose efficiency and talents he placed any confidence, to a question vital to Ireland, historical justice requires as full a disclosure of every circumstance affecting it, as can be supported. Lord Holland's view in calling for the communications between Government and the Catholic Committee in Ireland tended principally to authenticate, what was then spoken of as the Minister's written pledge to the Catholics for granting their emancipation. It afterwards became more generally known, and a copy of it, was soon after produced in the House of Commons, of which Mr. Pitt thus spoke on another occa

" private opinions of any Member of Parliament. He is to chuse "his Ministers, and to give or refuse his assent to measures."

*Viz. on 25th March on Mr. Grey's motion to take into consideration the state of the nation.

1801.

sion. *

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"The Honorable Gentleman had asked if

any assurances had been given to the Catholics, " and had read a paper said to have been published by Lord Cornwallis. The substance of that paper Mr. Pitt avowed, and that he wished it

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to be known, as soon as possible to the Catholics " and to the country, and had therefore purposely "written to Lord Cornwallis. As to the particular expressions in the paper he knew nothing of

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them, having never seen it before it was pub"lished. He denied, that any pledge had been given to the Catholics, either by himself, Lord Cornwallis or the Noble Lord near him (Castlereagh). The Catholics might very naturally " have conceived a hope, and he himself had "always thought, that in time that measure would " be a consequence of the union, because the diffi"culties would be fewer than before."

* Although Lord Grenville tenderly avoided any discussion of the question of Catholic emancipation, yet he more frequently and more explicitly mentioned his opinion upon it, than Mr. Pitt. His words on the 20th of March in the dehate upon the state of the nation were pointed. "Without "that point (viz. Catholic emancipation) attained, he thought "the union would be a base lifeless measure: and not being "able to bring it forward in the way, which he conceived " essential to its success, he thought in common with his col"leagues, that they should retire from situations, which they "could not fill in their own opinions to the advantage of their

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country." There cannot be a stronger argument for repealing the Act of Union, than that for the first ten years, the very life blood of that measure has been drawn off, and the body consequently paralyzed or inflamed. Such was the consistency, such the sincerity of the men, who in the same breath pledged their

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