"have since declared that there were more "than 100 British seamen in the American "frigate, deserters from his Majesty's ships "on this station, and from British merchant vessels, swho were not taken out by Capt, Humphreys, because his officers could not identify them. The American "Papers mention only 3 men killed and 13 wounded: the truth is, that 6 men were "ka killed, and 21 wounded, and it is obvious "for what reason the numbers were thus "mistated. The men whose names are " omitted were proved to have been deser ters from the British navy; and one of them, the officer (gunner), lately from "the Chichester. These facts being "welbrascertained the candid reader, in "America sor any other part of the world, fmay be left to draw his own conclusion "whe ply, that there remained a doubt as to the manifest intentions of Napoleon, and, of course, a doubt as to the necessity of the measure; which doubt ought not, in my opinion, to have been excited; for, I da not believe, that it existed before. There has been much ranting upon the subject of the sufferings of the "unoffending Danes;" but, how could we avoid causing those suf ferings, without abandoning the object? And here again we come to the original question of necessity. Upon this question I will just ask: do you, Sir, the editor of the Morning Chronicle believe, that, if this measure had not been taken, we should not have seen a confederacy of Russia and Denmark, sufficient to have taken forty thousand men on board, and to have kept employed forty sail of our line of battle ships with a proportionate number of smaller vessels Do you not believe this? I should like a yea, or a nay, to this question: and, if you say yes, if you say that you do not believe it, and if you speak sincerely, then is your conduct upright; but otherwise it is not. whether commodore Barron has acted consistently with the orders of his govern "meat; or wisther, forgetting his digni"fied situation, he has stooped to evade and "prevaricatealNow if this statement be true, and I am strongly inclined to think it is so, away go all the American lies, and away go, too, all the fine calculations of the Morning Chronicle about the trifling "muntber of seamen" whom we should lose by a forbearance such as it so strongly recomroends for our adoption! I know how the American captains and news-papers will disfigure facts; I know that they will stickat no falsehoods; and I know that, on the part | guilty of the blackest treason, and would The circumstance, too, mentioned in the Declaration, that the Danes pleaded the over-awing influence of France, in 1801, for entering into a similar confederacy, though in defiance of a positive treaty with us, is conclusive in justification of the present measure; and, with the knowledge of this fact, the ministers would have been of our officers, heretofore, there has been have deserved to lose their lives, infinitely. but too much inclination to forego the ex- more than Despard deserved to lose his life, ercise of their country's rights, in all cases if they had not acted in the manner they where the Americans have been a party. have done. What may be the real intenI could mention the names of some, tions of Russia now I know just as much as whon the Americans have recently dis-the writers in London appear to know; but, graced by their praises, who appeared | to me much more anxious about their money, lodged in the American funds, than about | the interests of England. Adniiral Berkeley and his captains have shown a different disposition; and, hotrast they will receive the support of the ministry and the gratitude of the countrylled as an ordw (тологу) просто she seems to have been staggered. I hope, however, that this operation of ours will not lead to a renewal of the war in the north of Europe, with all its curses of embassies and subsidies and commissaries and aides-de-camp and new plunder upon us. The Emperors of the East and of the West have got the continent between diem; let them keep it, till they are disposed, through the means of our facal exertions, to give up some of the countries, having ports and arsenals, and their possession of which is dangerous to England. We have the full power of producing this disposition in their minds; and, if, for the sake of Hanover, or any such paltry object, we stop short of producing it, we ought to perish, and our name be blotted out of the catalogue of nations. DANISH WAR The only part of the king's Declaration (idserted below)/relative to his conduct towards Denmark, that I could wish had been omitted, is that wherein honspeaksoof information, which he bad receive ved with respect to the intentions of France, H Oflthis information everyone will formi hist olen judgment burs is the mea sureshadro ged upon the ground of motoristy and necessityy there woulter have been no roath for any difference of opinion, wirich-The Morning Chronicle, în reverting did hot before sexismo The muroduction of this private information would seem to im to the subject of the Danish expedition, says we are not here before an impartial tribu ender it useless to ght? This certain1, if it were, why endeavours upon No; it is only, dvantage of a meaour of the country, partial; but, why convince them that - will, surely, hear you are in a curious this declaration of Elowed, either that ly advantageous to not being so, you the authority of Scotchimen. This being be contrary appear. his remarks (which page of this sheet) subject, or rather reon. He sets out rchy Mc, Sarcasm, alling to forgive, if the point, accom- reflections. His EXPATRIATION OF BRITISH SUBJECTS. -This topic must be deferred 'till my next. It is important, not because it is likely that any law, or declaration, such as is recommended by my correspondent, in page 433, will ever be made, or seriously thought of; but, because the recommendation tends to show how anxious some of Lord Buchau amongst us are to be at perfect liberty to being worth much pursue their own interest at the expence of imates of Gregory | those of their country. My other correspondent, in page 506, has given a good answer, upon general principles; but, I do not think, that he has gone enough into detail; and, I am pretty certain that he is not fully aware of all the motives which dictated the recommendation of S. V. nor with all the consequences, to which the adoption of it would lead. e as to include the e kingdom. Does official documents y calculations and those documents, oducing the mere who, for ought I ? The" colonies", ers, of which he hovels, inhabited te any thing but sir Archy, too, f Scoto Britannus, ats annually made ous Scotch labour I from the labour English labourers. appear to shun sailor shuns the • fruit of English he work for Scotch able the latter to , and then come ably, which is the and propose to ssarily), that the e latter as an exhing, surely, dent and insolent Was present, venture to give any opinion, AMERICAN STATES. SIR;-In your paper of the 22d ult. Vol XII, in your letter to the Indepe Electors of Westminster you have in certain resolutions, and a circular 1 from the American chamber of comr at Liverpool, accompanied with observa which convey an opinion, that, the me tule body generally would be ready to in the cry which that publication wa tended to excite; I have not heard c effects in other parts of the kingdom, inclose a resolution of the committe American merchants in London, passe the 21st of the same month probably a very time you were writing your 1 which I hope you will, with your candour, take an early opportunity o senting to your readers. This resolution not imply, that that body were ready the impulse of the moment to join brethren at Liverpool in a cry in fav the particular interests of the merc body in preterence to objects of g poltical importance. These importa jects are in other hands, and I hope w attended to with the respect due to an pendaur, although a young state. I als there is no intelligent merchant trad America so ignorant of the national o ter, and of circumstances there, as know, that his true interest is to stre the hands of his own government means in his power, and that promp and vigour in our councils, are ess necessary, most especially in the moment-A MERCHANT. PORTUGAL.-Great alarm seems to be en- of their .. City of London Tavern. Frida gust 21. At a meeting of the "mittee of American Merchants. "Sanson, Esq. in the chair;" The chairman stated, that received a letter from John Rich Esq. Vice-President charaber of commerce, accompanying certain resolutions of the board, and their circular letter, d A "11th inst.; the same having bes at Li "it was "Resolved unanimously, That t mittee will be at all times happy to "any communications from un A 1 contrary be the case, the event will not give me much pain. As I know nothing about the government of Portugal, I cannot, at present, venture to give any opinion, or express any wish upon the subject, other than that I do not think Napoleon can do us, the mass of the people of England, any harm in that quarter. AMERICAN STATES. SIR;-In your paper of the 22d ult. No. 8 Vol XII, in your letter to the Independant Electors of Westminster you have inserted certain resolutions, and a circular letter, from the American chamber of commerce "chamber of commerce, at Liverpool, " which may have a tendency to promote " " the commercial intercourse between the "British Empire and the United States " of America, but with the knowledge that negociations of great political impor tance are pending between the Govern Dent of this country and the American states, they are of opinion, that any interference on their part, at the present moment, " would be improper; and this committee having no reason to believe his Majesty's "Government to be indisposed to an ami "cable accommodation of the present dif"ferences, see no necessity for "associa "tions being formed in the different manufacturing towns and seaports, for the purpose of collecting information as to the prospects of a good understanding, or other"wise, between the two countries." But if it "should at any time appear that the efforts of "this committee can be useful in promot ing cordiality and harmony between the "two Governments, they will be ready to "do every thing in their power for the "attainment of so desirable an object"John Gray, Secretary." at Liverpool, accompanied with observations which convey an opinion, that, the mercantile body generally would be ready to join in the cry which that publication was intended to excite; I have not heard of its effects in other parts of the kingdom, but I inclose a resolution of the committee of American, merchants in London, passed on the 21st of the same month probably at the very time you were writing your letter, which I hope you will, with your usual candour, take an early opportunity of presenting to your readers. This resolution does not imply, that that body were ready upon the impulse of the moment to join their brethren at Liverpool in a cry in favour of the particular interests of the mercantile body in preterence to objects of greater political importance. These important objects are in other hands, and I hope will be attended to with the respect due to an independant, although a young state. I also hope there is no intelligent merchant trading to America so ignorant of the national charac- | Danish court to garrison their capital, and ter, and of circumstances there, as not to know, that his true interest is to strengthen the hands of his own government by any means in his power, and that promptitude, and vigour in our councils, are essentially necessary, most especially in the present moment.-A MERCHANT. " City of London Tavern. Friday, August 21.-At a meeting of the committee of American Merchants. Philip DANISH WAR. : SIR,-At a moment when the event of the Danish expedition was yet uncertain,..: and that portion of our venal diurnal press devolved to administration, justified the mea sure by speculations, which (whimsically enough) one day charged upon the Danes an intended junction with the French, and on the morrow contained grave intimation that our fleet and army had been invited by the place their navy beyond the reach of the iron grasp of Buonaparte; you, with that manly decision which forms a feature equally prominent and honourable in your cha racter, bestowed on the project a warm and hearty approbation, upon the plain and intelligible ground, that the measure was ne cessary for the national safety, and as such fit to be adopted. I profess to follow the opinions of no man to the extent of an unqualified surrender of my own, and on this "The chairman stated, that he had occasion in totally differing from you, expe " received a letter from John Richardson, rience all that a person may be supposed to "Esq. Vice-President of the American feel, differing from another for whose under chamber of commerce, at Liverpool, standing and integrity he entertains the "accompanying certain resolutions of that highest respect. I with you am ready to ups!! "board, and their circular letter, dated the hold "the antient rights and practices of "11th inst.; the same having been read, ❘ England upon the seas," and most cordially "Sansom, Esq. in the chair;" 1 "it was 1 "Resolved unanimously, That this com"mittee will be at all times happy to receive any communications from the American consign to execration that minister who shall waive one iota of them; but I am unable to found a justification of the Danish expeditionca upon any "right," nor, happily, does the British history afford an instance" in practice," of a similar conduct to any neutral nation under the canopy of Heaven. There are a class of persons who judge of all things by the event! With these gentlemen reason ing is thrown away! And there is another order of men whom I have as little inclina in my apprehension the justification or condemnation of the Danish expedition. For as to the "glory" resulting from approaching the shores of an unsuspecting neutral surprising him in the hour of profound peace, and by the aid of a superior and irresistible armament bombarding his capital and tion to trouble, I mean those profound poli-seizing his fleet; though that (since the ticians who hold for nothing all principles of good faith and integrity, when opposed to national advantage. An ingenious writer of the present day, in the following passage, has admirably described these sages, and from his pen I give you the well coloured picture. "When a measure is shewa to "them to be wicked, it is more than half "proved to be wise. Nay, their artificial taste, like other unnatural propensities, often acquires greater strength and more powerful domination over reason and pru"dence, than the natural one it has supplanted could ever have attained. If phi ""lanthropy has its enthusiasts, political immorality has its devotees, not so ardent " indeed, but more than equally blind and irrational. There are fanatics in the " school of Machiavel, as well as in that of Rousseau." I, for my part, profess to write neither to fools or knaves. My address is to men, who like you have no party but their country. If this (I trust no inconsider able) portion of the nation, hold by their integrity, the country may yet be saved; but if they, the best hope and stay of Britain, become converts to the doctrine of expedieney, the period is not far distant when their characters will be most deservedly brought on a level with those they most condemu. Once broadly admit the principle, "that national injustice may be the source of national benefit," and the doctrine of expediency will overwhelm you as a flood. At home, no matter what the form of the constiturion might be in substance, the government of Great Britain would become as despotie as that of Turkey, and our power from (heretofore as in happier times) protecting the freedom, would degenerate into the scourge of Europe: and form, not a north ern, but a "universal contederacy," grafted on the only principle that ever yet held a contederacy together; that of self-defence, and a common interest. Nations like individuals are assailed by their necessities, temptations arise, check are requisite, and in wis assented to for mutual preservation, and perilous is the situation of that people, who without an extreme necessity" shall presume to remove these landmarks of the nations of the earth. And upon this case of "extreme necessity fairly made out," rests success of the attack has been announced) has taken fast hold of the mind of the editor of the Morning Post; yet this feeling 1 am inclined to hope is almost exclusively his own -That Napoleon acknowledges no re straints as opposed to his interests, is unquestionably certain; and, that if so dis posed, Denmark must have bowed to his yoke, I think probable. But that Russia would have consented to his holding the key of the Baltic, or he, without her assent would have taken such a step, appears of all things least likely. Napoleon, unfortunately for mankind, at once knows and follows his interest; his politics at present court Russia; he has much to do "with her" before he begins to "act against her;" add to which, if Napoleon appreciates the Danish fleet at the price we appear to set upon it, I think he will be found to reason loss acutely than past experience has shewn him in the habit of doing. The situation of Denmark in common with her neighbours Sweden and Russia, is by no means favourable for great and successful maritime exertion; for a large portion of the year their fleets are confined by the ice to their own ports; their seamen though brave and hardy, unused to naval tactics have never ranked high. Moor them fast in line, and they will fire and be fired at till they are knocked to pieces; but afloat. they are little formidable. Let, me appeal on this point to every man who saw the Russian navy, when under the infatuated policy of Mr. Pitt they were brought on our coasts, to receive the benefit (at our expence) of the instruction and example of our own incomparable marine, or to the more recent instance which occurred in the action between a Danish frigate, and his Majesty's ship Conius. A further disadvantage occurs from their local position rendering the Baltic peculiarly liable to the inconveniencies of a blockade. If acquiring the hulls of the Danish pavy was an object worth putting the character of the British nation to the hazard, I am satisfied it was not an object Napoleon would have risked much to obtain. With the permission of Russia, he would have thought them dearly bought at the expence of throwing into our lap the comiperce.and colonies of the Danes. If mere ships could wrest from us the trident of the main, our i our on no but the life of Napoleon, Vast exertions, and great sacrifices must be made. The country must find its safety in high principles, and that magnanimous spirit which never yet. existed where they were wanting. A reform founded on the antient rights of Britons," and carried into effect agreeable to the practice" of the British constitution, will naval superiority would be short indeed; " in ،، Jour generation" enable us to abide the pityless peiting" of the utmost rage of the storm that howls around uss and hand down to posterity a monarchy powerful and. permanent. A nobility antient and honours able. A nation loyal and free, Or if des zen Danish seventy fours, and as many fri-tined to perish in the mighty conflict, let us gates; nor does the importance of that possession in my mind, justify the measure by which it has been attained. The policy of Pitt, his constitutional buttresses, his commercial nobility, his bloated system of paper credit (so repeatedly and powerfully denounced by your energetic pen), have been a fruitful source of much suffering and disgrace; but, I deny that we are so broken down as to be reduced to the humiliation of avowing in the face of all Europe that our existence depends on a breach of those laws which hold together the frame of the civilized world. This were, indeed, to yield a base homage to the power of Napoleon, and drink of the cup of shame to the very dregs! Onjecting as I do to the principle of the measure, the mode of its execution is with me a very secondary consideration. I am disposed to leave that question to the Post and the Chronicle; but, I own I am unfor tunate enough here again once more to differ with you; near à fortnight was wasted before the attack was made, and when the enemy were reduced to an utter incapacity to further resist, a capitulation was granted, by which Denmark retains her seamen, and we stipulate 6 weeks to abandon his territory; and, already (if the public prints deserve credit) it has been found" expedient" to dispatch Capt. Cathcart with instructions to extend our possession. Aye, Sir, extend our, possession in the very teeth of the terms we have so recently granted.--Sir, these are means little calculated to save the cotintry; the vile press are entertaining us with a negotiation for peace. I do not believe the report, nor do I believe (making all due allowances for difference of opinion among sensible and well informed men,) that one man in 100 of that description in the United Kingdom, imagine a safe peace to be a practicable measure, We are embarked in a severe contest, the continuation of which, do not hesitate to declare, must in all human probability, be at least commensurate with rall as becomes our honour, without one-in- Sept. 26, 1807. AN OLD ENGLISIMAN. AMERICAN STATES. this doctrine, ماء SIR;Yon are the only man, who has many a well tought battlin wo |