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Thursday, June 11.-Very little business of importance was done. scene of hellish barbarity. The murder of Mr. Man Nothing, indeed, worthy of note, except that a message was receiv

ed from the president, covering more documents; being letters ofly's and Mr. Crawley's family on the 22d inst. Messrs. Monroe and Foster, on several points-the chief of which Immediately after the acts of hostility by Indians, is, that Mr. Foster denies the agency of the British government in the inhabitants of the frontiers of Humphreys counexciting the savages to murder our people; to which Mr. M. replics, that whatever may have been the disposition of the govern-ty, thought it necessary for personal security, that ment, its subordinate agents have been guilty of the fact; and in two or three families should live together.- For proof of it, adduces extracts of letters from the United States' agents in the Indian country. The whole will appear in course. It is said the senate will not come to a conclusion on the busi

ness before them until next week.

The Chronicle.

Baltimore, June 13, 1812.

this purpose, John Crawley and his unfortunate family had gone to the house of Jesse Manly. The family of Crawley consisted of a wife and four chil dren, Manly's of a wife and three children. The evening before the tragical event Manly and Crawley were both called from home, taking Crawley's eldest son The prospect. The senate were still sitting with closed doors with them. They had employed C. Hays, a promis on Thursday. The house of representatives, closed their secreting young man, to stay with their families until business on Wednesday. An opinion is held that they have either passed a bill granting letters of marque and reprisal against Eng-their return. Early next morning he had geared and, or, as is more generally believed, an act declaring war against his horse, and had proceeded about one hundred that country. The senate, it is not doubted, will confirm what the yards from the house, when the Indians, who were concealed behind the fence, fired upon him. He Mr. Langdon having declined to stand as a candidate for the received two mortal wounds. Whilst one of the vice-presidency, another meeting of the members of congress was held on the 8th inst. present 77 members-at which Elbridge Gerry, Indians was scalping hi*, the other four ran into Esq. had 74 votes. (The proceedings shall be inserted at length in the house. They found one of Manley's children with their dogs and scalped. on the outside of it, whom they tore to pieces

house of representatives have done; but their proceedings are tore tedious.

our next.

An idea prevails that the Hornet, now lying at New-York, is pre

paring for a foreign mission.

Admiral sir John Borlase Warren, has arrived at Halifax with four sail of the line and three frigates. It is said in some of the With savage fury they now forced the door, and papers that appear well-informed in British affairs, that he has or commenced a scene of still greater barbarity. They ders to act, as circumstances may justify, against the United States snatched Mrs. Manly's child, only eight days old, Other accounts say, that no additional forces have arrived at from her, scalped it and threw it into the fire place, Halifax.] A fishing schooner has been seized at Boston, laden with British yelling at a horrid rate. An indiscriminate butchgoods, valued at from 10 to 15,050 dollars. It appears that the United States are amply supplied with all ery of the children now took place before their mosorts of clothing, accoutrements and appurtenances for the new thers; five children were scalped and murdered, army. They have an abundance even of blankets!It is stated they keeping Mrs. that the returns at the war office, give the astonishing aggregate of of their cruelty. After shooting her, they scalpManly as the last victim 17,000 men already raised for the new army-besides, the ranks of

the old army (10,000 men) are nearly or quite filled up. From the ed her, and committed unheard of cruelties on her little exertion made in this city we hardly knew that an army was body. They then left the house, taking Mrs. to be raised. If 17,000 men have been returned, it is possible that Crawley along as prisoner. About four hours af

the whole number is newly obtained.

General Bloomfield is to have the command of the forces destin- ter the Indians were gone, the neighbours got ined for the defence of New-York-for which purpose considerable formation of the murder, and collected to the num bodies of troops are marching to that city, to man the fortifications.

Two hundred acres of land have been purchased by the United ber of five or six at the house; they found Mrs. States in the vicinity of Albany, where extensive barracks are to Manly alive and in her perfect senses. be immediately erected. Colonels Swift and Simmons are ordered this carnage one of Mrs. Crawley's children escaAmidst to Niagara with their regiments-and many troops are moving to

notice, when the word is given.

wards the expected scenes of action. It is stated that Gen. Hull ped unhurt; when they attacked the house she will be fully prepared to do all that is hoped of him, at the shortest had the presence of mind to raise a puncheon of the The Militia. In many parts of the United States they are drafting floor, and throw her child into the cellar. the militia-not for service, but to ascertain who is to stay at home." many more than is required offering themselves. A part of the milia of North-Carolina (taken from her quota of 100,000 men) have been ordered into actual service for the defence of the forti

fications on the sea-board. The general appearance of the mili

tary preparations betokens great activity in the government, as well as zeal in the people. It is stated, unequivocally, that the president says, he is ready for war.

A volcano has broken out in the island of St. Vincents. An ae-i count of it is in type, but excluded for want of room-as are several other articles.

tertained of her recovery.
Mrs. Manly is still living, and great hopes are en-

see river on Saturday evening, and they will cross
The army encamped within four miles of Tennes
on Sunday morning; the murder has fired their
minds for revenge.

Francis Smith, who resided near the Tennessee Bank of Amerion.-The act of the legislature of New-York, innection with the Indians-his case is black. river has been apprehended for a supposed con corporating the Bank of America, has received the sanction of the council of revision, and become a law. The votes in the council [We fear to commit our feelings to paper, on are given as follows-for the bank, the chancellor, and judges Kent, Thompson and Van Ness; against it, the governor, and judges reading the above. It is but a type of what is transSpencer and Yates. The directors named in the bill have had a acting in many parts of our frontier. Our opinion meeting and organized the institution, baving elected Oliver itolcott, Esq. president, and Jonathan Burrell, Esq. (late cashier of the as to the cause of these horrible murders has been United States' branch bank) for their cashier. frequently expressed. It arises from our good New-Hampstare. As was expected, there was no choice of a go-friends at Amherstburg and Mulden in Upper Cavernor by the people of this state at the late election lature convened a few days since, and clected liam Plumer, Esq. nada. We trust that general Hull will soon break governor, by a majority of 22 votes. Thus all the branches of the up those nests of accursed assassins, by an open government of this state are republican. and honorable war. Then shall the wretched In

The legis

The American brig Pleiades, from Belfast for New-York, with passengers, has been CAPTURED by the British and sent into Haldian pay the forfeit of his inhuman folly in listenifax. What does this mean? v ing to the advice of lord Dorchester and his successors.] Ed. Reg.

An attack on Vincennes by the Indians, was expected, at the date of our last accounts from the westward.

Indian Murders.


The public papers, which have excluded almost every thing else from our pages this week, will excite more than ordinary a tention at this eventful period; and we have made considerable es We hasten to lay before the public the circum-nature excepted] that have yet been presented to congress; thus ertion to lay before our readers the whole [those of a confidential tance of the late inhuman murders committed on anticipating all the usual channels by which such documents are the Tennessee river. We have frequently seen and conveyed to the people, except through the National Intelligence heard Indian cruelty and barbarity described: this the future. In these momentous times-times that will often be -exciting an interest for the present, while we make a record for beggars all description! Language cannot portray, will not be in session much longer, and room will be afforded for a referred to, we shall carefully attend to such matters. Congress nor imagination scarcely conceive this unequalled large quantity of miscellançous or summer reading,



Hæc olim meminisse juvabit.-VIRGIL.

[No 42.

Printed and published by H. NILES, Water-street, near the Merchants' Coffee House, at $5. per annum

Imperial Parliament.

HOUSE OF LORDS-April 28, 1812.

American president's message to congress.

Lord Holland rose to call the attention of the noble secretary

Lord Castlereagh repeated, that ministers were not acquainted of the mission having been undertaken until it had been terminated. It was a strong proof that sir J. Craig had only employed Mr. Hen ry for the purpose of ascertaining the probability of the eastern states assisting in an attack upon Canada, that when appearances of a hostile nature had vanished, he was recalled.

Mr. Whitbread expressed an inclination to move that the papers glord Liverpool) to a rumor which had generally prevailed respect-should be laid before the house; but it being suggested that a no ing a state intrigue, charged against the government of Great tice would be convenient, he fixed it for to-morrow, observing that Britain in the published speech of the president of the United he should withdraw it if other business of more immediate impor States of America to the congress. The report, indeed, was such tance were in contemplation. Mr. Ponsonby, referring to the correspondence which Mr. White

as he could by no means give credit to; it stated the detection of

a conspiracy, said to have been framed and acted upon by the bread had adverted to, enquired whether ministers had received government of Great Britain for the disunion of the American from sir J. Craig a copy of a letter purporting to be signed by states. He had no motion to make on the occasion. He repeated, Mr. Ryland, and directing captain Henry to employ a cypher, with that the charge alluded to was such a one as he could not bring which he would be provided in his correspondence. Lord Castlereagh answered, that upon examining the inclosures himself to give any credit to; but he felt it incumbent on him to call upon the noble secretary opposite, for distinct and explicit in the despatches of sir James Craig, he did not find the letter alluded to.



The earl of Liverpool felt no hesitation to assure the noble baron, in behalf of himself and of those noble and honorable persons with whom he acted, that they utterly disclaimed not only House of Commons, April 28.-Lord Stanley, after a review of having given any authority, but the possessing the least knowledge the disastrous effects of the orders in council on every part of of any project or intention to disunite, separate, or alienate the empire, moved, that the petitions from Birmingham, &c. &c. any of the American states. With regard to the individual who against them, should be referred to a committee of the whole house had been named as the agent of such a design, he could only say, to sit to-morrow.

that whatever he might have done, he had no authority, warrant, Mr. Rose expressed his satisfaction that the time was come or instruction for his purpose from his majesty's government. when the subject could be fully discussed. He then went into an Lord Holland, was glad to hear the disavowal made by the noble able and minute investigation and exposition of the whole subject secretary, yet he could not help expressing a desire to be more of the orders, and concluded by declaring, that he should deplore minutely and satisfactorily informed, and he wished to know, their repeal; but as some enquiry was necessary to satisfy the pubwhether the person mentioned (it was useless to conceal his name) le mind, he should not object to the motion. a captain Henry, was employed at all by government, and if so employed, he next would ask what that employment was? The earl of Liverpool replied, that Mr. Henry was never authorised by his majesty's government in any capacity whatever; that he had, it appeared, been employed by sir James Craig to obtain some information respecting the disposition of some of the American states, with regard to their amity or hostility towards Great Bi-Pressure, ministers would refuse to rescind them? Bain; but that until his return to Quebec, not even his name had been known to any of his majesty's government. Lord Holland subjoined a few words, which we could not distinct

ly hear.

AMERICA-Lord Holland again adverted to Mr. Henry's correspondence with sir James Craig, and enquired whether the noble lord (Liverpool) intended to lay it officially before the house. The correspondence authorised Henry to produce cermain papers to certain individuals who might feel inclined to se parate the eastern country from the western, under the authority of this government; and it was of such nature, that it involved the honor and character of the country. If the noble secretary declined laying before them the correspondence, ke, (lord Ḥ.) should move for it on Friday next.

Lord Liverpool felt satisfied, that when the matter shall come to be known, a very different construction would be put on it than had been given by the noble lord (Holland.)

Lord Holland expressed his resolution to persevere, since lord Liverpool had declined to answer his enquiry.


Messrs. Baring and Broughman both condemned the policy of the orders, particularly as they affected the relations with Ameri ca; and were replied to by lord Castlereagh and Mr. Stephen. Lord Stanley inquired, if, in case the enquiry should shew that the orders in council were a prin ipal cause of the present

The chancellor of the exchequer, (Mr. Percival) said, even if it should appear that a great part of the temporary pressure for this single year was to be attributable to the orders in council; yet, if it were found that there were other concurrent causes, and that the pressure was merely temporary, he could not say that he could pledge himself to abandon them. ordered to sit from day-to-day. The motion was unanimously agreed to, and the committee were


From the London Statesman of Apoil 29.

The great question on this subject has been decided against the claims of the Catholics, in both houses of parliament. In the house of lords, April 22, lord Donoughmore moved that a com mittee be appointed to report on the expediency of repealing the restrictive laws still in force against his majesty's Roman Catholic subjects. A long debate followed. It was opposed by ministers as big with danger to the Protestant constitution. On the ques tion, the votes were, Contents (for the motion) 102. Non-Contents 174-majority 72. In the house of commons, April 24, after two days debate, on a motion of Mr. Grattan, "that the house in com mittee consider the state of the laws imposing civil disabilities on Mr. Whitbreal, before the question was put, begged to ask of thour Roman catholic subjects," the question was decided-for the noble lord (Castlereagh) a question relative to certain official do motion 215; against it 300-majority 85. euments from, America, published this afternoon. He alinded to a message from Mr. President Madison, which was accompanied by various letters from the earl of Liverpool, sir James Craig, and It will be seen by the allusion made, last night, in both houses of Mr. Henry, the latter of whom, it appeared, had been employed parliament, to the message of Mr. Madison, and the documents to promote dissention in Massachusetts, and if possible to produce accompanying it, as the congress of the United States, that He wished to the base attempt to subvert the government of that very fly a separation of the eastern states from the union. exciting a rebellion amongst the American people, was neither know whether this correspondence was or was not authentic? Lord Castlereagh expressed his satisfaction at having an oppor-attempted to be denied or excused by ministers.But said lord Litunity of explaining what had been very unfairly brought forward verpool, “ I solemnly disclaim, for myself and for his majesty's go by the American government. He begged most distinctly and verament, any intention whatever of fomenting disturbances in peremptorily on behalf of the British ministry, to assert, that it these states. As to the employment of any individual, it was ennever entered into their contemplation to encourage any disposition tirely unauthorised by me, and even without my knowledge. Go to produce the separation of any part of the states from the union,vernment did not even know that captain Henry was employed nor had they ever acted upon a system of policy of that descrip-until after his return to Quebec." Now, supposing every word tion. It was certainly consistent with the fact, that captain Henry which lord Liverpool uttered to be true, we would ask, why sir had been employed by sir James Craig, but without the privity of James Craig, on whose shoulders ministers now wish to throw the government, who never heard of it until the governor of Canada blame of this perfidious transaction, has not only been permitted informed them of his recall, in consequence of the fears of menaced hitherto to go at large unimpeached, but has actually been promoted hostility being removed. The object of sir James Craig was in our service? Does not this conduct show, on the part of our merely to ascertain the temper of the inhabitants of the eastern government, that they highly approve of every step which that ge districts with a view to the attack which he had reason to believe neral took to overturn the constitution of the American stares? It is was meditated upon the province, at the head of which he had been impossible to doubt it; and, therefore whatever solemn protesta tions ministers may now make to the contrary, they must be held placed. Mr. Whitbread read a paragraph from a letter from sir James as implicated in this abominable affair-as those individuals only Craig, dated 26th February, 1809, relating to the probability of a who are responsible to the nation which they have so grossly inseparation being produced, and enquired whether it was transmit-sulted, and on whose heads ought to fall that just retribution for ted by the governor of Canada, and what steps ministers had taken the crime which they have committed. But if such are the con clusions we are entitled to draw from this relative state of dan upon its receipt? S


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parties, what are the inhabitants of Great Britain to think; pay, and that happens to be a partial one, our opinions may be konuş What is the continent, the whole universe, to say, if we shall be though it is hardly possible they should be correct.

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Abe to prove by the most undeniable evidence, that ministrs not In some cases this diversity of sentiment may promote the pro Kiew of the employment of explain Henry before he was en-gress of truth. At least, it may teach us habitually to practise that gaped in the iniquitous aission, ut unit lord Liverpool himuscliutual forbearance without which society could not exist: but @rwards actualy and u res vedly a proved of it? That we the danger arises from the warmth and eagerness with which pouti art do this we feel little difficulty, even with the few docu-cal disputes are conducted. On such occasions men are tempt d monttien are now before the public. It appears that captain to violate the rules of decency, and call in question the rectitude Try was eployed by sir Ja nes Craig, in 1968, to ascertain the of others, merly because of a difference in judgment. Such of state of parti sad their poliden views, in the United States. The fensive imputations are injurions to the peace of the state, ad gorresponded which passed at this time between sir Jars Craig threaten its future prosperity; for, if party abuse should beco e and the captain, was transmitted by the former to the British ra generai and indiscriminate, we shall lose one of the laost powerf 4 This is proved by the following extract of a letter, dated motives to meritorious conduct; the virtuous and vicious will be 28% of June 1st, written by Mr. Peel, lord Liverpool's secretary, placed in the same light, and men with unblemished Character will to Henry hit as a who was then in London: His lordship has wish to have as little concern in public affairs as possible, that they directed me to .cquaint you, that he has referred to the corres may preserve their reputations. podene in his office of the year 1808, and feds two letters from When parties are numerous, the individual often appears to be sir Janes Crang, dated 10th Ajail and 5th May, transmitting the but little apprehensive of reproach: they are apt to think that the conojo dunce that has passed during your ridence in the not the rules of candor and even of truth may be dispensed with, in pro erstates of America, and expressing his confidence in your ability pagating their political opinious. But though the disgrace of each and judgment." Here then is direct proof, that the attempts made individual may be lessened when it is shared by many others, bis te 3, by captain Heary, at the instigation of the governor-gene personal guilt is the same as if he was the only offender; and the pal of Canada, to excite commotions in the United Suites, were example thus furnished by associate numbers, must have a perwn know: to ministers at that period. Circumstances having cious influence ou the morals of the whole people. re-dered it probabic, in the year 1809, that something further Should we at any time suffer ourselves to be influenced by a yșinight is done to promote this very honorable cause, sir Jaunes rit of party, we shall be in danger of sacrificing the public good to Craig appears to have had some further communication with the our own attachments and animosities; and shall be incapable of press at fusters on the sit et, and again to have recotamended discerning the use that may be made of our own procedeista captain: Henry as a fit person to carry their views into elivet. The against ourselves. We may establish rules by which we shall obtain result of this was, that sir James directed his sertary to write a momentary ascendancy, but which in the issue will prove inju capan Honey, on the 20th: January 1809, as follows:-"The infor rious to our own interest, as well as to the peace and order of e nition and political observations heretofore received from you, state. If the party opposed to us should afterwards prevail, they were transmit d by his excellency to the secretary of state who has will be tempted to retiate with increased severity, in hopes of expressed his particular approbation of them, and there is no doubt more durable possession of power. But it is vain to expect that that your able execution, of such a mission, as I have above suggesting a from government the predominance of a party can be preserv ed, would give you a claim otony och governor-general, out oned by disengenuous means; or that the pace of the commun his majesty's ministers, which might eventually contribute to your, ca be maintained under retorted injuries and provocations. Such advantage." Who cai doubt, afta reading this, that all his majesty's injuries will become more oppressive, and the provocations more ministers, and particularly ford Lava pool, the secretary of state, aggravated, the oftener they happen, and if persisted in, must even werly acquainted with the mission of capt. Hury, and that they tally terminate in ruin. acpadly instructed sir James Craig to hold out to him a reward for his services? But the matter does not rst here. After eaptain Her arved in London, and subunitted his claims for remunera tion to lord Liverpool, his lordship in the above letter which he dirested his secretar,, Mr. Peel, to write, expressly recognises the Services of the captain. H speaks of the ability and success" with which hosecuted the mission, and stats, that "he is coa vinced the public service will be benefitted" by his active employmet in a public situation. In another steer, in the hand writing The people of these states seem to have been placed by provi of lord Liver act, addressed to sir George Prevost, now governor dence in a situation of peculiar safety. Our territory is sufficient gral of Canada, on the 15th of September last, say "I now ly extensive either for security or convenience. We are reute for the assurone, which I have give of stating to you my opi- from the nations of Europe, who for several years have been i nion of the oney and judgment which Mr. Hery has mani se volved in a fatal and extensive war. As a commercial people, we en the occasions mentio ed in the memorial, and of the benefit the have had intercourse with all of them, and as a neutral nation, pLes rvice might derive from his active employme ent in any pub must have expected in such anighty conflicts to suffer injuries from the situation in which you should trunk proper to place him." Here een. If, however, the merchant finds that any branch of trade is ford Liverpool's entire approbation of all that captain Henry had to hazardous to be pursued with advantage, bis own prudence will done, is fixed beyond the possibility of a doubt. Nay inor, so induce to relinquish it. But I think we can have no reasons highly did his lordanips, estimate Ins services, that he recommended, ble motive to join in this ruinous cont st, and thus imitate those hila to any bic situations George Prevost should think to place hinge-Yet does this satae nobi. lord now cotae forward prices who hazard all that is dear to their subjects, merely to dis and solemnly protes, that his own hauds, and those of his col play their spirit or gratify their revenge. We may possibly be en gaged her after in just kad necessary wars of self-defence, and we leagues, as to this air, are entirely free from poliution!!-This hope never to be engaged in any other. But so long as the people may go down win. those a fair rs of his lordship's administration are united in affection, there is no danger that any foreign power who rap the fruits of the perfidious measures they are pursuing will think of reducing us to their dominion. This security wi but certain are w of this, that no honest man will give hisa credit be diminished in the va de proportion as the violence of party ite either for his as ruous or has soleus protestations, when evidence creases; for a state with a millions of men may be conquerd ot so glaring a description is staring bia in the face. as casily as one with ten thousand, if the people are divided, and one half are willing to assist in subjugating the other. Such dispo stions, I presume, are not any where cherished at the present tim; but if the spirit of discord shall increase and become more asp rated, we may hereafter be as frantie with passion, and as bind to our own interest, as those nations, whose governm nts have bu subverted by the violence or treachery of their citizens.


Legislature of Massachusetts.

Friday, June 5, 1812.

At 12 o'clock, agreeably to assignment, his excellency the gover or came in, and delivered the following speech : Gentlemen of the car wood

Gum Then of the house of representatives,

These animosities have also a direct tendency to weaken the state and render us incapable of self-defence. Within a few year all the republics in Europe have become a prey to mintary force; the people were divided by factions: and those who thought themselves oppressed, assisted a foreign power to overwhel a, both their oppressors and themselves in one common ruin. Their for an of goy riment have been exchanged for despotisin, and their names are blotted out from the list of nations.

It would be difficult to enumerate all the mischiefs that flow from this spirit of party-We have seen that it alienates the minds of men from each other, and has a tendency to excite the most malevolent passions. History will inform us, that when c As I have not been engaged in the public business of the stateder no restraint, at produces civil wars, and terminates in the des for the ket ve years, and led no expectation, that I should again traction of free states. These considerations have been suggest d take a part in administering the government; I have paid no by reflecting en of all parties: and it seems to be the duty of all, other attention to the, poceedings of the legislature, or any public as far as their infer cextends, to prevent an increase of the evil. ten sactions, than my duty as a private citizen required. I am, Nothing is of more importance to this purpose, than a just and therefore, unable to lay before you the state of our a tairs; or to sparval administration of government. The principles of equity surmet for your consideration those objects of particularist restaud justice are the foundations of society; and the great end of which in other circumstances might have occurred to me. But goverment is to provide that every citizen shall have his right. have no reason to regret this inability; several of you, gentlen n, at if in making and executing the laws, we disregard the res in eel house, har been ina y y ars ployed in the government, of equal justice; if we endeavor to elevate one portion of the and will readily discern what measures are necessary for the geotunity and depress another, we lose sight of the object for fai good. which we became united, and render every principle that can be

But though I have no particular knowledge of the late legisla-employed in the government of the state, of no effect, except fear tive proceedings, it is impossible for any member of the state to and compulsion. In such cases, the people never obey but with be ignorant that a spirit of division has existed for several years reluctance; nor shall we have any reason to complain if they are and Las become so pri valent, as to ciminish individual happines intractable. We are as much bound to preserve their rights, as and endanger the tranquility of the commonwealth. they to ob y the laws: and until their spirits are broken, they will

The opinions of men are as various as their features, and there make conticual efforts to recover what belongs to them, for it is is generally no more cause of complaint is the one case than in the hot in the nature of freemen to submit without complaint to un oth r. This dit rence of opmion would happen if all were fur-equal regulations.

2 sind with the same evidence; but on mar y political subject, the Our constitution forbids any exclusive pretensions to the honors evidence offer d to different persons is not only diverse, ut opp-of the state; very class of men are entitled to partake of the same site; it would be ur asoiabile, therefore, too eet that all shouldvantages, and have an equal and common right; if this right in think alike. If our information is wholly derived from one source, Infringed, we may be sure that sentiments of discontent and ani

masity will prevail. We ought indeed to select persons of ability ( The conquest of Canada, the only point in which she is assail and integrity, for public employments; but if we make it a rule able, would a ford no indeäciliestión, if atchieved, for the losses to advance only our political friends, we shall become the loads of to which we should be exposed upon our unprotected scaboard a party,and be incapable of preserving with equity and moderation, and upon the ocean. Destitute as we are of a navy, and the the rights of the whole people. In monarchies, the prince is the means of immediate maritime deibnce, we cannot perceive in wint source of all power and the fountain of bonor and office; he, node a war with this nation, so powerful on the orean, can promise therefore, thinks himself authorised, in appointing his subordinate the attainment of its avowed object-the revocation of the orders officers, to reward the attachment and purchase the future support in council. The emperor of France leaving lately repu' Eshed the of his adherents. But in republies, the people are possessed of the decrees of Berlin and Mitan, with renewed assurances of a deterinisovereign power; and legislators and magistrates elected by them, nation to enforce then, and Great Britain having announced her are bound to employ their authority for the common benefit. de til rate purpose of making her orders in council commensurate They have no right to consider the power deputed to them as their with those decres-we are impressed with a belief that a war once own property; or to make vacancies or appointments for selfish or begun, must be continued during the present conflict, party purposes. Should a contrary rule be established,it appears to aud perhaps abandoned after years of disasters incident to all ware me that political feuds would be endless and implacable; the persons without accomplishing the object for which it was undertaken. in office and their friends and retainers would employ every method We forbear to present to the consideration of your honorable to prevent any changes in the administration, while their rivals body, a detail of those muitiplied evils which we anticipate in would be equally assiduous nad eager to effect a change.-From such a conflict, lest their inagnitude sud variety might be consi the frequency of our elections, there would scarcely be any inter-idered as calculated to dejaess the just confidence of the peo ruptions in these struggles, and the longer they should continue,ple in the national spirit and resources, and to encourage the perthe greater would be their violence. severance of foreign nations, in pretensions hostile to our rights. We cannot, however, but hope, tint government, having tried for years a system of restrictions, which has proved incitectual in respect to foreign nations, and ruinous to ourselves, with once more restore us to our commercial pursuits; and, wit but abandoning just claims of re puration, will enable us to aid in those preparations which, in some more auspicious period, may afford the capacity of vindicating such claims with a probability of success. And we can, upon this most solemn occasion, appeal to the Searcher of hearts, that in this a, plication to your honorable body, we are influenced by no party considerations-uo spirit of disaffection-ne disposition to embarrass the proceedings or reproach the motives of any of the departidents of government. Nither do the people of Massachusetts, unnindful of the example of their ancestors, take council from for. But in this last and respectful e dort in behalf of their commercial rights, and to induce the national government to pause and rescue their country from war, they are impelled by dictates of self-preservation, by their attachment to the union, by a persuasion of the invincible and growing opposition of the peo ple to these measures, and by duty to themselves, to posterity. and to God.

To check this party spirit, and proniote union and harmony in the public councils, and among our fellow-citizens, much may be done by the members of government, as well in their private as public capacity; and without their influence and example, no attempt for this purpose will be likely to succeed. By a course of uniform and impartial conduct we may perhaps convince the people, that our attention is employed for the benefit of all our fellowcitizens, without any preference of one part to another; that we are solicitous to establish a just proportion in their burdens and advantages; that, of whatever denomination they are, we will listen to their complaints when they are oppressed by the officers, or injured by the measures of government; or when the laws themselves operate unjustly: and that those who are most distinguished for abiliues and integrity, and the merit of their public services, wid be appointed to office, without political favor or prejudice. If in this way we shall be able in any degree, to restrain the rage of party, our successors will be encouraged to pursue the same course.

In our public transactions and debates, I presume we shall care fully abstain from contemptuous or reproachfel expressions, and whatever has a tendency to irritation; for we can hardly conceive how much evil may arise to the community from circumstances of this kind, which at other periods might seem too inconsiderable to be regarded. And I hope and trust that in our intercours with each other, we shall exemplify the gentleness of manners, the candor, benevolence and condescension which are the ornaments and bands of society, and which tend to moderate the zeal and conciliate the friendship of those who are of different sentiments. I am the more confident in these expectations, as we have only to exercise the temper of that religion in which we have declared our belief, and which all of us profess to revere. CALEB STRONG.

Council Chamber, June 5, 1812.

Mr. Randolph's Speech.


Mr. Randolph said that rumors to which he could not shut his ears [of an intended declaration of war on Monday next, with closed doors] and the circumstance which had just passed under the eye of the To the honorable the senate and house of representatives of the Unit-nouse [alluding to a motion to adjourn] impelled ed States in congress assembled, the representatives of the comhim to make a last effort to rescue the country from monwealth of Massachusetts, beg leave respectfully to state


That presuming the respectful expressions of the public sent the calamities which, he feared, were impending ment, from any portion of the union might be acceptable to con-over it. He had a proposition to submit, the deci gress in the present critical state of public airs, they trust that a communication to your honorable body of the opinions and feelsion of which would affect vitally the best interests ings of the people of this commonwealth upon the momentous of the nation. He conceived himself bound to bring subject of a British war, will not be construed into a disposition to it forward. He did not feel himself a free agent in

interfere with the functions of the national government.

It is with deep regret, and with such emotions as the love of coun- the transaction. He would endeavor to state as suctry should inspire, that we perceive the entire failure of the negocinctly as he could, the grounds of his motion, and ciations instituted by the national government with a view to ob tain from the belligerent nations, respect for our neutral rights, he humbly asked the attention of every man whose and a revocation of edicts which operate so injuriously upon our mind was at all open to conviction-of every man deIn the present unprecedented posture of Europe, we are firmly voted to the cause of this country, not only in that convinced, that an immense majority of our constituents cannot house, but in every rank and condition of life, be reconciled to the belief that a offensive war with Great Britain throughout the state. is demanded by the interests or honor of our country.

lawful counierce.

We presume not to enter upon a comparison of the injuries sustained by our commerce from the respective nations at war nor to arraign the conduct which goverment has seen it to adopt, in order to obtain redress. It would be foreign to our present por pose to enlarge upon the duplicity and prevarication exhibited by monstrate. France in all her negociations, which aggravate her numerous outThe first of these propositions was, that the Ber Pages-or to discuss the motives alleged by Great Britain in de fence of a system of retaliation which bears with a severe pressure in and Milan decrees were not only not repeated, upon our neutral rights. It is sufficient that every consideration but that our government had furnished to the house ansing from good policy, and from the duty of a nation to itself and to the world unequivocal evidence of the fact. forbids us to plunge into a war whick desolates the European world.

The motion which he was about to offer grew out of certain propositions, which he pledged himself to prove; nay, without an abuse of the term, to de

and from which it seems to have been the design of the Almighty The difficulty in demonstrating this proposition providence to exempt us, if true to ourselves, by placing us remote arose rather from his embarrassment in selecting from the theatre of their contentions. An offensive war against any nation, can be justified only by from the vast mass of evidence before, than is the reasonable motive of obtaining reparation for past injuries, or any deficiency of proof; for if he wo to use security against future dangers and aggressions. When, therefore, the testimony that might be adduced, he feared his such is the local situation and relations of a country, that the hope of effecting either of these obiects is precluded by an overruling discourse would grow to a bulk not inferior to the neesity, its honor is not stained by yielding to circumstances volume which he held in his hand. He would rewhich it cannot control-nor is the reluctance of its citizens to expose themselves in such ease to the certain dangers and calamities fer the house to the correspondence, generally, of of war, a reproach upon their want of sensibility to injury, their Mr Russell, our agent at Paris, accompanying the courage or patriotism. president's message of the present session. He re. A war with Great Britain would furnish temptations to her goVeryment to requester the millious belonging to our citizens, deferred to the schedule of American vessels taken by Fosited in that country, and an opportunity to her navy and eruis French privateers since the first of November, 1818,

e to sweep the ocean of the remains of our once flourishing [the period of the alledged repeal of the French de

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srees]: of these it was worthy of remark, that "the the consignees of the cargo, I conceived it to be my Robinsonova, from Norfolk to London, with tobac duty not to suffer the transaction to pass unnotic. co, cotton and staves; the Mary Ann, from Charles ed." This proces verbal is neither more nor less ton to London, with cotton and rice; the General than the libe in the admiralty court, drawn by the Eaton, from London to Charleston, in ballast; the law officer of the French government, agreeably to Neptune, from London to Charleston, also in bal the law of the empire. What should we say to a last; the Clio, from London to Philadelphia, with tibel of a vessel by the district attorney of the Unit English manufactures; the Zebra, from Boston to ed States, or her seizure by the custom-house offTarragona, (then in possession of the Spaniards) with cers, under an act of congress which had been restaves; all coming under the operation of the French pealed? The whole of this correspondence proves decrees, and seized since the 2d of November, 1810, unequivocally, that neither the custom-house offi. had not been restored on the 4th of July last" and cers, the courts of law, nor the French cruizers, that the only two vessels named in that schedule, not even the public ships of war had ever received which had been restored: viz, the Two Brothers, notice from their government of the repeal of the from Boston to St. Malo, and the Star, from Salem Berlin and Milan decrees. This last fact is further to Naples (the one a port in France, the other vir- substantiated by the remonstrance of Mr. Barlow tually a French port) did not come within the scope to the duke of Bassano of the 12th of March, 1812, of the Berlin and Milan decrees. Indeed the only in the case of the "vessels captured and burnt by his cases relied upon by Mr. Monroe to prove the re imperial and royal majesty's ships Madusa and peal of the French decrees, are those of the Grace Nymph." It should be recollected that all the deAnn Green, and the New Orleans Packet. On the crees of the French emperor are given strictly in first of these no great stress is laid--because having charge to certain public functionaries, who are cibeen captured by an English cruizer, she was re rected to put them in force The only authorities taken by her own crew and carried into Marseilles, to whom the repeal of these decrees was to be a rule where consequently the captors became French of action, the cruizers, courts and offices of the prisoners of war. As well might it be expected, customs remained profoundly ignorant of the fact. that in case of war between the United States and It is to be found no where but in the proclamation England, our privateers carrying their prizes into of the president of the United States, of the 2d NoFrench ports, should be proceeded against under vember, 1810. "To have waited for the receipt of those decrees. It was, therefore, on the case of the this proclamation (says Mr. Russell) in order to New-Orleans Packet that the principal reliance was make use of it for the liberation of the New Orleans placed, to shew the repeal of the obnoxious decrees. Packet, appeared to me a preposterous and unworBut even this case established, beyond the possibi thy course of proceeding; and to be nothing better lity of doubt, that the Milan decrees of the 23d No than absurdly and basely employing the declaration vember, and 17th December, 1807, were in force of the president, that the Berlin and Milan decrees subsequently to the period of their alleged repeal. had been revoked, as the means of obtaining their This vessel hearing at Gibraltar, where she had revocation." They were then not revoked, or suredisposed of a part of her cargo, of the letter of the ly our minister would not stand in need of any means duke of Cadore of the 5th of August, 1810, sus for obtaining their revocation. Proofs multiply on pended her sales, and the supercargo, after having proofs. consulted with Mr. Hackley, the American consul at Cadiz, determined, on the faith of that insidious letter, to proceed with the remainder of his cargo to Bordeaux. He took the precaution, however, to delay his voyage, so that he might not arrive in France before the 1st of November, the day on which the Berlin and Milan decrees were to cease to operate.

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The custom house officers of Bordeaux commenced unlading the New Orleans Packet on the 10th December, and completed that work on the 20th, as appears by their proces verbal of those dates. That of the 20th, expressly declares that the property was to be pursued before the imperial council of prizes" [the court of admiralty] at Paris, according to the decrees of the 23d November, and 17th December, 1806, or in other words, under the decrees of Milan." Mr. Russell's remonstrance was submited to the council of commerce, and fu ther proceedings against the New Orleans Packet sus

[Here Mr. R. was called to order by Mr. Wright, who said there was no motion before the house. The Speaker overruled Mr. Wright's objection, as the gentleman from Virginia had declared his inten tion to make a motion, and it had been usual to per-pended. "The papers were not transmitted to the mit prefatory remarks.]

council of prizes, nor a prosecution instituted before Mr. Randolph said he would proceed in his argu that tribunal; which proves only that the prosecuwithout deviating to the right or to the left, tion at law was suspended, not that the laws were and he would endeavor to suppress every feeling repealed-" and the vessel and cargo on the 9th of which the question was so well calculated to excite. January, were placed at the disposition of the con"The vessel accordingly arrived in the Garonne signees, on giving bond to pay the estimated amount, on the 14th of November, but did not reach Bor-should it definitely be decided that a confiscation deaux until the 3d of December. On the 5th of should take place." Recollect that this vessel vothis month, the director of the customs seized the luntarily entered a French port on the faith of the New Orleans Packet and her cargo, under the Mirepeal of those decrees. She is seized and libelled lan decrees of the 23d November and 17th Decem-under them, but after great exertion on the part of ber, 1807, expressly set forth, for having come from the American minister, he obtains from the French an English port, and having been visited by a Bri-government-what? Proof of the bona fide revotish ship of war." Thus this vessel having voluncation of the decrees? Nothing like it. A discharge tarily entered a French port on the faith of the re- of the vessel? Not at all--the bond represents her peal of the decrees, was seized under them. "These-she stands pledged in her full value in case she facts," continues Mr. Russell, "having been stated should be found to come within the scope of the to me by the supercargo, or the American vice con-law; and yet we must believe the law to be repeatsul at Bordeaux, and the principal one, that of the ed! What sort of a release is this? Mr. Russell seizure under the Milan decrees, being established makes a merit of having "rescued this property by the proces verbal, put into my hands by one of from the seizure with which it has been visited"

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