have, on their own parts, removed the principal obstacle to the attainment of their hopes and wishes."

The Archbishop of CANTERBURY.-" My Lords, after the very able manner in which this question has been discussed and many of the objections I have to the prayer of this Petition been anticipated by Noble Lords on both sides of the House, I shall not dwell long upon the subject on which, however, I feel it necessary to express some share of my sentiments. My Lords, it seems to me, that before your Lordships can agree to go into the Committee on that Petition, it will be material for you to consider whether the prayer of that Petition is such as your Lordships can with prudence and safety admit. To my judgment, it is founded upon a series of concessions made to the Catholics, successively, from the 18th of his present Majesty until the 33d, (here the Right Reverend Prelate recapitulated the several Acts of the Irish Parliament, and the concessions inade by each from the rigour of the Popery Laws.) In their Petition which preceded the last act, my Lords, they stated that it would remove all that remained to be removed of the restrictions of which they complained, because it would effectually relieve them from every disqualification for the full enjoyment of their civil rights in common with their Protestant fellow-subjects. And well might it remove, my Lords, all of which they had to complain, as it left no other impediment to what they now claim, but those tests to which every Protestant subject of his Majesty is bound. But after so long a series of concessions terminated by an act which they themselves state to be the ultimate object of their wishes; after this long list of statutes, this continued succession of boons in their favour, they now come forward with a Petition, in which they claim equal participation in all the privileges of the Constitution, upon equal terms with all his Majesty's Protestant subjects. My Lords, if I were to consult plain sense,

sense, I should think they had that participation already, in every thing, at least, upon which their real happiness can depend; in the free exercise of their religion, the full protection of their persons and property, and the right of elective franchise, and every other, in common with all his Majesty's subjects; but they now tell us, all this is not sufficient, and the amelioration they now seek is admission to all the places of power and emolument in the State, and to seats in this and in the other House of Parliament. To this claim, my Lords, I cannot accede. It is a claim that strikes at the very root of our Constitution. I can never consent to a measure by which Catholics shall pass laws for Protestants. I can never consent to yield to Catholics the power of commanding the armies and navies of this country under a Protestant King. Such a measure, my Lords, appears to me to infract our Act of Settlement. And I am utterly at a loss to conceive how you can adopt it. The Noble Lord who had presented this Petition, has supported it with all the force of those splendid talents he possesses (and which must in every measure which has the advantage of his support, make a deep impression upon this House) has attempted to connect the objects of this Petition with the principles of toleration, which form the leading characteristic of the Established Church. I am, my Lords, as much a friend as any man to the genuine spirit of religious toleration; but I cannot agree to a principle of toleration that has a direct tendency to subvert our Ecclesiastical Establishments; and such I conceive the proposed measure to be. Toleration is a principle which grows out of our security; but when I consider the dangers by which we are now surrounded, I cannot consent to relax any more of those precautions upon which our security depends. But let this measure succeed, and you annul all those principles upon which, it appears from the brightest pages of your history, depends your security for a Protestant establishment in Church and State. With these considerations strongly operating on my mind, my Lords, I cannot agree to the measure, and therefore I give my vote against going into the Committee."

Earl of ALBEMARLE.-" My Lords, it is not my purpose to go any great length into argument upon the question before you. I rise principally with a view to offer some observations in answer to a Noble and Learned Lord who holds a high situation in Ireland, and whose speech in this debate, I own, creates in my mind no small share of astonishment. It has been well observed by other Noble Lords, that whatever comes from his elevated authority on a subject wherein it ought to be presumed, at least, he is well informed, must have much weight in this House. Looking to his grave character, and that liberality of sentiment which I expected would have raised his mind far above the vulgar prejudices and idle tales that have filled narrow minds upon this topic, I hoped from him, that whatever might be his sentiments upon the motion before you, they would at least have been delivered with that calmness, moderation, and sound argument, that one would expect to characterise the expanded mind, extensive knowledge, just discernment, and strict impartiality befitting his high judicial situation, in a country where he forms so important a member of the Government, and presides over the administration of justice. But, my Lords, how great was my astonishment to find the Noble Lord, not only opposing the motion with a degree of heat and acrimony little becoming his gravity, but conjuring up the most abominable arguments to support his opposition. Where the Noble and Learned Lord has found his authority for such arguments, and so totally opposite to those sentiments by which he has heretofore been actuated, I am at a loss to account. Upon a former occasion that Noble Lord manifested the most liberal zeal in favour of the Catholics of this country, and used such exertions to obtain a relaxation of the penal laws, in their favour, as to procure for himself the warmest thanks of those whose cause he has espoused. But such seems the strange bias, I will not call it the prejudice, of his mind against the Catholics of another country, that, in order to mark still stronger his dispraise towards those of Ireland, he is lavish in his encomiums upon those of England, and tells us, that the only distinctive characteristics between the Protestants and Catholics of his acquain-: tance or neighbourhood in this country, was, that the latter were always the most exemplary, and best conducted men in the parish where they lived. But what is the Noble and Learned Lord's chief accusation against the Catholics of Ireland? Why, that they have Bishops, by whose guidance their conduct is influenced; and that those Bishops have gone the length of calling the Right Reverend Prelate of Armagh, plain Dr. Stuart. But though the Noble and Learned Lord arraigns with so much stress the contumacy of this circumstance, I hardly think the Right Reverend Prelate himself would lay so much stress upon it, or consider it as any infraction of his archiepiscopal rank or diocesan authority. The Noble and Learned Lord has said that no Protestant dares appear in certain parts of Ireland., This I am afraid was too much the case in some parts of that country during the furor of the late rebellion. I have heard much the same thing stated by another Gentleman; but he said it was no matter of what religion a man was, if he was but known to the rebels to be a loval man; for that was the criterion upon which their fury was directed, against men of all sects. This, however, is no argument against the Catholics as such, but merely a proof of the barbarism of the lower orders, which I lament, and only blame the Government which has presided in the country, not having taken more pains to educate and civilize them. The Noble Lord next goes to domestic

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domestic affairs; and he complains of religiousantipathies borne by Catholic to Protestant servants. Some remedy we are told is necessary; but what does the Noble Lord propose? Not to re-enact the penal laws; not to accede to the petition'; but to abolish the Catholic Hierarchy! and this is the remedy which the Noble and Learned Lord supposes would strike at the root of the evil. I confess, my Lords, the expedient does not carry the same weight in my estimation. But those things, which to the minds of other men appear insurmountable difficulties, to the enlightened understanding, and profound discernment of the Noble Lord, are no difficulties at all. Three hundred years have elapsed since the Reformation, which, aided by all the ri gours of the penal code, has yet been so unsuccessful in Ireland, that still above three-fourths of the population continues Catholic. The Irish Papists, it seems, according to the Noble Lord, do not understand English; but, from the nature of their education, they are better acquainted with Latin; therefore, says the Noble Lord, you have nothing to do but translate the Bible and Church Liturgy into Irish, and preach the reformed religion in that language, as has been done in Wales, and you at once convert the whole country into Protestants. Here again, I own, that I much doubt the success of the Noble Lord's project; for, though you might find an Irish congregation to understand, I fancy you would find it rather difficult to find Protestant clergymen to preach or pray in that tongue. But it is said, if you grant this measure to the Catholics, you will have the Presbyterians and all the different sects of Dissenters claiming similar indulgence. My Lords, if it be just and politic to grant the claims of the Catholics, I can't see why you should refuse them, because others may claim something else afterwards. If the Catholics are quiet, it is said, Give them nothing, they don't ask for any thing; and if they do ask, it is said, Give them nothing, for they are turbulent. It is always

too