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O'Connor, D.D., to Owen Connor, esq., price 5s. 5d. A Treatise on Surgical Anatomy, by Abraham Colles, professor of Anatomy and Surgery in the Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland, price 7s. 7d. Speeches of the Right Honourable Henry Grattan, with prefatory Observations; comprizing a review of the most important political events in the history of Ireland, price 138, Eds. A Letter addressed to Andrew Armstrong, esq., high-sheriff, and to the Grand Fury of the King's County; by Clericus, price 1s. 8d. A Correct Report of the Speech of the Right Honourable J. P. Curran, master of the rolls; delivered in the court in case of Merry, versus Rt. Rev. Dr. Power: embellished with a striking likeness of that consistent and distinguished friend of his country-price 28. 6d. MONTHLY RETROSPECT OF POLITICS. A CATHOLIC dinner took place on the 7thinst. given (as is expressed in the cards distributed) "to the friends of toleration." This appears a strange term to be adopted by the Catholics themselves, thus bestowing on their friends, what they borrow from the vocabu. lary of their enemies. Toleration! Liberty by sufferance! what is it but persecution affecting to look gracious; disclaiming the will to persecute, but retaining the power. Toleration why, Dr. Duigenan, Sir R. Musgrave, and Mr. Giffard (the three headed Cerberus of extra-constitutional loyalty,) these kind men will profess themselves to have been always friends of Toleration. These men and such as these, who have no other idea of the constitution, than of a city corporation, of which they might graut a freedom to half a million, and tolerate four millions, that is, suffer them to enjoy their civil liberties without a particle of political power to give these liberties security or momentum. In thus inviting the friends of toleration, the idea, perhaps, was to comprehend the different grades of party, to include the warm, and lukewarm, and to gather around the circumference of one table, all the patriotism, and also, what has been happily called, all the parrotism af the country. We have often thought the Catholics were too anxjous for unanimity at their meet ings, and too careless about preserv ing it, after their meetings. Indeed the unanimity of large assemblies is generally to be distrusted. It is often nominal and superficial. It is often the effect of influence, timi dity, or passive acquiescence, not the unanimity of convinced understanding, not the acclamation of the heart. Catholics are disposed so to prize, we dare not say idolize, an unity and identity of opinion, in matters of religion, that they are led by natural associations to aim at the same unanimity in political measures. Their numbers, their party views, their personal motives make it impracticable. All indeed conspire in a wish for emancipation. But the Catholic body, like other large bodies of men, beneath a smooth and uniform covering, contains discordant portions, passions, and par ties. An aristocracy of rank rather than talent, respected from habit, and a sort of feudality of attachment, a certain reverential feeling which e ven those who possess, it feel to be more akin to prejudice than principle-a crumbling influence, propping itself by the buttress of the castle-a democratical portion, of considerable talent, but little experience, of more zeal, than real activity, and subdivided by the play of various motives-a commercial neutrality vibrating, individually, between the two former parties, and a malleable mass which each party wishes to model and shape to its own purposes. Yet let us acknowledge, and it is with a conscious shame we, Protes tants, do it, that in this mass, heterogeneous as it certainly is, endea vouring to work its way and attain its object, sometimes by a strait and erect motion, sometimes by a method more serpentine; one while, by the obsequiousness of its aristocracy, and the humility or humiliation of its hierarchy, at another time, by the ardour and manly erectness of its democracy, as if recollecting how God made man ("Deus fecit hominem rectum" Eccles)-Yet let us acknowledge, notwithstanding some hesitation, and slight versatility of conduct, that, in the CATHOLICS OF IRELAND all the public spirit, which remains in this island, seems to have found a refuge. They are the forJorn hope of the country. The Catholic body ought not to indulge in private or personal resentments. As for Mr. Pole, it would have been enough, in some of their addresses, to have imprisoned him in a contemptuous parenthesis, and left him there, to the gaze of posterity. Their dinner seems to have been given by the democratic party, and several good speeches were made on the occasion. Too little notice seems to have been taken of that anchor of political salvation in the tempest of these times, an adequate reform in the representation of the people. The Catholics ought, in a manly manner, to embody them selves with this question, nor affect to stand aloof from it, as if fearful of disclosing, by anticipation, such opinions what opinions? why, such as will alone render them at all, or at any time, worthy of being adopted into the fulness of the constitution. The emancipation of the Catholics WITHOUT A REKORM, we will not hesitate to say, would, in no long course of time, only tend to accumulate the mass of political corruption, by a gradual, and perhaps irresistible conformity to the bad habits and evil practices, which are become almost a second national nature, and by that evil communication, which, proverbially, corrupts the best manners, and most correct morals. "Quod cunque infundes, acescet." The chalice of the constitution must first be thoroughly washed and purified, or whatever is added, will partake of the pollution. Putreface tion is itself a fermentative process, and the borough-mongering systein, while suffered to remain, is, itself a septic ferment, that will assimilate all the surrounding parts to its own quality. Let it be some comfort to the Catholics, that in their present situation, they form a sounder and healthier part of the political population, than if they were more intinately incorporated with a morbid constitution. They would, probably, soon catch the malady, and the supposed blessing, might turn out an added misery to the country. Indeed we marvel much, that the usual policy of ministry has not by this means, not merely evaded, but annihilated the Catholic importance as an instrument of opposition. Why not first emancipate, and then assimilate; first adopt, and then adulterate; thus turning, by well-known and efficacious means, the supposed advocates and allies of reform, into an additional check and counteraction, in the day, when every assistance will be wanting. Better than this, will it be, to remain-AS YOU ARE, disappointed but not desponding, not self-abased, not the panders of placeman or pensioner, but in your political incapacities drawing a noble resource from the pride and prerogatives of humanity.* Better we say, to remain as you are, than to be handed over among borough proprietors, like so many cattle from one grazier to another, and to gain a shadow of political importance, at the price of your personal honour, and the sacrifice of every feeling either patriotic, moral, or religious. Better than to fall behind either party leader, either Mr. Perceval the pledged antagonist of your claims, or Mr. Ponson "Place us wherever you may chuse,” said the Spartans," there weshall endeavour to behave, like brave men.”—Thus, the Catholics seem to have spoken and acted in the present war. by, that good humoured opposer of the union. Read the late address of the city of Westminster to the Prince Regent as authenticated in the gazette and be satisfied. The period of Catholic emancipation, and that of parliamentary reform will, and ought to be simultaneous. The national redemption must be complete. THE PRINCE REGENT notwithstanding he acts cautiously, and with care not to irritate a desperate faction, who have long been in the possession of power, appears to manifest a decided predilection for more liberal politics. The energetic address from the inhabitants of Westminster*, has been published in the Gazette, probably by his command, for it has not been the etiquette to publish petitions, stating grievances in that manner. This address contains a most severe censure on ministers, and they could not be expected to be desirous to publish their own disgrace. Let us admit hopes of a sounder and a more liberal system of governing taking place, Liberality may then become fashionable, and the great herd, who take their tone from the court, and applaud every act of government, may readily re-echo sentiments different from the maxims which have characterized the present reign. In this change, the sycophants of power can readily join, as they are not incommoded by any fixed principle, but can "Change shapes with Proteus for advan In another page will be found an address to the Regent, and a petition to the house of Commons, from the inhabitants of Paisley. Such statements of distress are the best comments on the war, and on the fatal measures which have been pursued. They are strong manifestoes against the measures pursued by go vernment. The long debates on the subject of the report of the bullion committee of last session, have, as might have been expected, terminated in negativing the resolutions founded on this report, which were ably introduced in a clear comprehensive speech by Francis Horner, chairman of the Bullion Committee. But majorities may decide the fate of resolutions, but they cannot control the strong current of events. To the attentive observer, this debate has afforded much matter for reflection, and gi ven some alarming views of our situation. Ministers suffered some matters to escape, which, to the reflecting, show the dangers of the crisis. They all, with the exception of the noted John Fuller, admit that the depreciation of the bank-paper is an acknowledged evil, although in making this important concession, they quibble about the terms. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, and George Rose, are not sufficiently audacious actually to deny the existence of the evil, but they say the pre sent war-system cannot be supported while a foreign expenditure of 24 millions is annually required, if the banks are forced to curtail their is sues by a removal of the restriction to pay in cash. True! but why madly continue a system, which has already produced such a state of distress; and which, if persisted in, is rapidly hurrying on to inevitable ruin? Even Mr. Vansittart, the mover of the opposite set of resolu |