well, was somewhat of the old proof Spirit which distinguished the Irish orator in an Irish house of commons; and imdeed one happy effect of this sessional debate upon the Catholic question is to bring, at least occasionally, "Ireland, home to the heart, gradual ly obliterated as it is by expatriation, and the habits of the metropolis. Immersed in this vast vat of selfish ness, and venality, all assume the same tint; the distinctive and characteristic colouring is lost. "Obliti meorum, obliviscendi et illis." "Forgetting their country and by their country forgotten."

We may even observe in a number of individuals, the progress and different stages of this dereliction. Thus in Edmund Burke, when he had forsaken even the whig aristocracy and told us that "the grand and swelling sentiments of liberty he only, did not despise!" even then, he preserved an hibernicism of feel ing when all the other bright colours of his character were utterly effaced and destroyed. This indeed was preserved in the ground of that character, by the mordant of his real religion. His patriotism was rather Catholic, than Irish. In Sheridan, the remembrance of his country, occasionally, not frequently, flashes from his genius, and taste. It ap pears the imagery of his fertile fancy, rather than the idol of the feeling heart, delighting all who contemplate the sublime, and shifting coruscation, which suddenly sinks into long periods of obscurity and oblivion. And so the thermometer of an Irish feeling may be graduated from the generous glow of Grattan, to the tepid Ponsonby, and thence to the frigidity of Foster, and from that, to the icy insensibility of Canning and Castlereagh, the extreme points of the scale, Irishmen, who when they cannot be ministers still wish to act in the character of mi

nisterial suppleants, and hover like ghosts, about the graves of their departed offices.

In this debate, the genius of Grat tan seems to have experienced a rejuvenescence. There was an appre hension that he was wholly translat ed or done into English, but when he apostrophizes liberty with such feryour, we believe he almost forgot where he was standing." "Liber ty! which, like the deity, is an essential 'spirit best known by its consequences. Liberty! which now animates you in your battles, and lifts you up proudly superior to your enemies. Liberty that glorious spark and emanation of divinity which fired your ancestors, and taught them to feel, like a Hampden, that it was not life, but the condition of living, An Irishman sympathises in those noble sentiments (here Lord Castlereagh yawned) wherever he goes, to whatever quarter of the earth he journies, whatever wind blows upon his poor garments let him have but the pride, the glory, the ostentation of liberty"-Aithe conclusion of this period, Mr. Percival with something between a smile and a sneer, would exclaim, very fine, very fine, indeed," and even some on the neighbouring benches might venture to give a "Hear him." Yet we dare to say the orator felt himself a little awkward, when he lost the casual inspiration, and felt how fugitive was the impression of eloquence, such as once agitated, and elevated a whole nation, upon an audience of English financiers, lawyers, and country gentlemen. The Catholic petition of right, was rejected.

Nothing however was better calculated to sooth the minds of the Catholics, suffering under this reiterated and we think, on the part of the minister, this contumelious rejection, than the invitation given to their De

legates on the 8th inst. by an assembly of the first in rank and the most distinguished in talents, under the title of " Friends of religious liberty, (we would have added political to the word religious) at which dinner one of the confidential friends of the Prince Regent presided, and gave the most auspicious hope of fature success. We join from this corner, with our hopes, and our prayers, but we confess, that notwithstanding even the sanction of the prince, we fear the muster of Mr. Perceval's corps de reserve. Why should we conceal it? We fear the worst from the intolerant spirit of the people of England, not merely the bigotry of a party, but that of the people. We know that there are numerous and glorious exceptions, but it is with the conviction of experience, and the e. vidence of melancholy facts, we draw a conclusion, that the mass of the English nation is of high church religion and tory politics, in both, inimical to Catholic emancipation or to constitutional reform. May we be mistaken in our opinion!-but if our opinion be a right one, may it then be the glorious ambition of a PATRIOT PRINCE to enlighten his people with the knowledge of their true interests, to show them that much national prosperity may exist with out overbearing monopply; that perpetual war is not the perfection of human policy; and that the happiness of mankind, either in the individual or in the community, multiplies by participation. The product of labour increases astonishingly by division. Why has not government practised the art of increasing liberty, also, by a just division?

On the 10th inst, a meeting took place in London, of the friends of Parliamentary reform. We have before declared it as our belief, that this event is never likely to take place, but under the compulsion of

extraordinary circumstances, and we acknowledge that, on this question too, we feel apprehension from a certain powerful as well as popular bigotry, with respect to the inalterability, and identity of the whole constitution, taken, as it happens to exist, with all its errors, and all its perfections, confounded and consolidated into an idol to be worshipped, not to be meddled with by mortal hands.

We are apt to exclaim against the Catholic for his belief in the unity, identity and immutability of his religion. The Protestant sets up a civil constitution, dressed with the very same attributes, and feels the same violent prejudices against all who would venture to amend or reform it. This is the POLITICAL POPERY too common in Eugland. They ri dicule those who enshrine religion in the bosoms of their priests, from whence its divinity is doled out to the ignorant multitude, and with a similar superstition, they themselves enshrine the British constitution in the peculators of the public rights, and in this borough-mongering depo sitory of relics, they idolize the di vinity of public liberty, and the integrity of the legislature.

For our parts, we declare ourselves Protestant Dissenters in a double sense. We protest against the errors and abuses that defaced and defiled christianity, and therefore acknowledge and glory in the blessing of that great event, the REFORMATION. In the very same manner, and nearly in the same degree, do we protest against, and dissent from, the abuses that have at different times polluted the British constitution, and we therefore shall for ever applaud the glorious REVOLUTION. And when errors, abuses, and crimes again accumulate, and public and private immorality has again corrupted, changed, and adulterated this same constitution,

we shall, with all our souls, hail the happy day of its REFORM and RE

GENERATION.

It is perhaps our anxiety about reform, that makes us fearful of its success, that makes us more disposed to look to the patriotic patronage of the Prince, than to any warm pur suit on the part of the people. Numerous individuals, we well know, there are, and chiefly in the middle ranks, enlightened and warmed with the subject, sound and staunch whigs, not place-hunting, pendulating, political weather-wise whigs, but seeking the renovation of the constitu tion of England, in the honesty of their hearts, and with what may be called, both by their friends and their enemies, an inveterate perseMajor Cartwright is the representative of this portion of the people. It is only a portion.

verance.

The character of the country, taken in the mass, is changed. It is of a different turn and disposition from what it has been. Not only public spirit is dilated, but publie taste is degraded. In theatric entertainments, Shakespeare and She ridan, and Siddons, are driven off the stage by a troop of horse. Dogs, baiting a stuffed bull or bear, attended in the evening with the acclamations of a people, who have, in the morning, been delighted with the persevering pugilism of Molineaux and Crib. If we get nothing better from abroad, we shall probably import the buil-fights from the peninsula.

As to the press, shall we say that no man can now venture to write freely, until he be put into prison. What is the PRESS but a machine of wood and metal, and a pulp of rotten rags, without being animated by public spirit. It may be turned into a SCREW for impoverishing the public mind, robbing it of its generous juices, and leaving nothing but Platness and insipidity. How are

we to estimate the spirit of the public journals, when such paragraphs as the one* quoted at the bottom of the page, are circulated through the three kingdoms, and read by the descendants of Russell, and Cavendish, and Hampden?

We say, again, the character of England is changed. It is, we fear, reckless of a reform. "With a revenue of nearly ninety millions ayear, with an army and navy that gives to government the disposal of three thousand commissions per anh. With almost every freeholder, and indeed every third man, by one means or another, brought within the vor tex of the influence of the crown, with every thing seeming to be hurrying us into the enlargement and perpetuation of the military system." What are we to calculate upon the success of reform? Will the appeal be attended to, when made to such a people? In England, and Scotland, taken in the mass, patriotism resolves itself into antigallicism. It is hatred of an enemy which insti gates, rather than the hallowed love of country, which elevates and inspires. Loyalty is merely antijaco binism, and all the bypocritical admiration of the constitution, but a bigotry of anti reform. The public passions are all antipathies. With

When the express arrived with the account of Lord Melville's death, on Sa turday morning, at the house of Mr. R. Dundas, now Viscount Melville, his car

riage was just ready to take his children an airing, (well-what dreadful accident then occurred? Did the horses run off, and was the son to lament the loss of his children, as well as of his father?), the or◄ der was in consequence countermanded, the carriage sent to the coachmaker, to have the box taken off, and a dickey put

on for the purpose of a servant to sit in, and the present Viscount set off for Edinburgh at three o'clock.-See, for this remarkable event all the public papers of the British empire.

whom or what does Britain sympa thise? How does she study to gain affection, to make and to keep friends, to conciliate even her own brethren, who fight for her cause, and die in her battles?

In short, the wAR itself is the great, ANTI-REFORMER. For the purpose of diverting the public mind from the direction of political reform, was it first entered into, and for the same purpose (when all other purposes are found to have failed) will it be carried on. England has been a disciple of war, and is now thorough ly disciplined to it. She is made to believe, and she does believe that all her liberty, and all her rights, and, dearer still, all her property, depend upon it. Will Sir Francis Burdett, or Mr. Brand, or Major Cartwright, or Mr. Roscoe, remove the film of infatuation, or cure this sore malady of the PEOPLE. Alas! like other physicians, they have more will than ability. The Genius of British freedom declines, and verges to decrepitude. It takes a seat beside Horne Tooke, and looks down upon its own sepulchre.

The bill for the interchange of the militia in both countries has passed, and certainly seems to place the Catholics in a severe predicament; to quit the service, or in quitting their country to quit also the exercise of the rites of their religion, no slight means of preserving the reality of it in the mind. Every thing seems done to accomplish the union for the purpose of war, noth ing is done to perfect it for the pur poses of peace. Before it was passed, it was said that the plan appeared more a military manoeuvre than a political idea, proceeding from the bosom of a parental, providential, impartial care, from any considera tion of equal relationship to the whole family of the people, any prospective view of liberal and mag

nanimous policy. Such bills as the present give strength to that prediction. They appear to be passed with the immediate design of sending all the regiments of the line abroad, and ultimately, to change the militia itself into into a disposable force.

It has been asserted that there never was any the least infringement of the religious liberty of the Catholics only a prevention of their obtaining the least political power. And that, even now, they will be perinitted, by military favour, an attendance upon their own places of worship, although excluded from any legal right of such attendance. But in a country with respect to their religion a desert, in what manner, or under what form will they be able to perform its duties, without a minister of that religion? of what use is even the permitted portion of religious liberty when there is no opportunity of making use of it? Without having a priest attached to each regiment, they cannot partake in those rites, which are deemed necessary even to salvation. He is their bible, their blessing in life, their consolation in death. Is it the intention of ministry to convert all the Catholics into Protesfants, or to pervert them into infidels ? to take them from what they judge a bad religion, by leaving them with out religion at all?

We will not do even Mr. Percival the injustice to suppose that the interchange of militia could possibly have been suggested by an apprehension that the safety of Ireland, was, by this means, better secured against invasion. Whoever entertains such an apprehension, most iniquitously and injuriously defames the Irish nation. Whoever asserts it, asserts a falehood. No, we will not indeed revile, and abuse the enemy with base and opprobrious