and eternal war against each other. 'Deliver us, and our children, from such derangements of the intellect, such depravations of the heart. Grant us that equipoise of powers and passions, which gives us the mastery of ourselves, and that equanimity which makes a nation wage war only for the sake of a just and honourable peace, and even in their necessary efforts against an enemy, never loses sight of the recollection, that he may eventually become the warmest friend. This we believe not only the most upright conduct, but also, the truest policy, of a great and generous people. Great Britain will be little without it. Her glory will go off like her gold; and her patriotism will suffer a depreciation, like her paper, in the estimation of the world, and in the judgment of posterity.

Although the Catholic claims have for the present been rejected; in par Jiament, their cause may be not altogether hopeless, of eventually succeeding at no very distant period. The address of the Catholics to remove the Duke of Richmond, and W. W. Pole, has been published in the Gazette, and noted as "graciously received." This circunistance inay be accepted as an indication of the private sentiments of the Regent, and may quiet the fears of those who aflected to be fearful of offending him, by praying for the removal of part of that ministry which from prudential motives, he for a time permits to remain in place. An address from a meeting of the gentlemen, clergy, magistrates, and freeholders of the town and vicinity, of Dingle, to, Counsellor O'Connell, has brought out an excellent reply from him. They will be found a mong the documents. Most sin cerely do, we rejoice to see such sentiments gain ground among our Ca

tholic brethren, who thus support the cause of religious liberty, on broad principles. Unjustly treated. themselves, they, notwithstanding, advocate those rights for others, which are denied to themselves.

IS THERE A PUBLIC? Does, there exist at present such a decided expression of public opinion, as, if. not altogether capable of restraining all undue exercise of power on the part of the class of governors, at least prevents further encroach-, ments by them, on the rights of thre people In Ireland, with the exception of the Catholics claiming the restoration of their undoubted rights, the question must be answered in the negative. The public wilt is not embodied. In Great Britain symptoms occasionally appear, which demonstrate a restoration of public opinion. The Pittite system had nearly extinguished, it, but by slow degrees it is acquiring strength, The Protestant Dissenters, in their united and firm opposition to Lord Sidmouth's bill, showed that a ge neral, expression, of the public will had a very powerful effect. The struggles for, parliamentary reform, we trust, will further elicit a spark of that public spirit, which in bets ter days bonorably distinguished the name of Britons. The, very opposi tion made to reform is likely to be productive of good, by exciting at tention to this most important sub ject, and supplying a power of renitency to the friends of reform, to assist them to overcome the resistance made by those who draw selfish advantages from public miseries. The Common Council of the city of London had agreed to grant the use of Guildhall to a meeting of the advocates of reform, which was appointed to be held on the 3d inst. Some Aldermen took alarm, and pused a resolution at their board

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gainst the grant, and a number of persons, who styled themselves the Loyal Liverymen, petitioned the Common Council to revoke the grant, to which that consistent body consented, although the Livery of London had the day before in a Common Hall approved of the grant of Guildhall, for the purpose of the meeting, . and passed resolutions highly favorable to the cause of reform. The & meeting was postponed to the 10th, when it was held at the Freemasons-tavern, but was not so largely vattended as was expected. Some from the country returned, perhaps disappointed by the delay in holding the meeting, but a lack of public spirit may probably be more justly considered as the cause of the defection. Some of the noted, reformers of 1793, stand aloof, and manifest that they are apostates to the cause. Resolutions de clarative of the necessity of reform were entered into, but according, to a previously concerted agree ment, no specific plan was proposed. This was a compromise between the two set of reformers, at the head of one stands Thomas Brand, and of the other Sir Francis Burdett, and like all other compromises, appears to have had the effect of enfeebling. Reform, to be of any a vail, must be thorough, and all of a piece, otherwise the new parts will not fit with the remaining corruptions. Triennial parliaments will not be of any advantage, unless the elective franchise is kept pure, as far as concerns both the electors and the representatives. The frequent returns to their constituents will not - promote political soundness, unless by wise precautions, and the infusion of greater purity into elections, the present evils of contests on such Occasions are prevented. Laws might be wisely framed, so as to have a

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powerful effect in changing the manners of a people, but, alas! of this very desirable and enlightened system of legislation speedily being accomplished, we cannot at present form high expectations. Instead of a cordial co-operation, and a drawing all together, mutual jealousies and selfish partialities seem likely to frustrate any results beneficial to the country. Probably these nations must still be more miserable before they will be sufficiently instructed to adopt wise remedies.

Pitt's birth-day has been celebrated as usual in London by placemen, pensioners, and contractors, who take this opportunity of applauding and attempting to uphold that system, which cherished abuses by which they have been benefited, while the nation has been impoverished. The venal prints have taken the opportunity of the recent death of Lord Melville to celebrate his merits. He also was one of the worthies of the school of corruption. The supporter of the American war, and the coadjutor of Lord North, readily assimilated in the crusade against liberty in France, and in his friendship to William Pitt; a friendship, which he would have been equally ready to transfer to any person who for the time being held the premiership, or the powers of distributing the favours of the crown. Lord Melville is praised for his servi ces to his country. Even on the most favourable estimate of his motives, and of the value of his services, he was not disinterested. He did not serve his country for nought. While his character allowed him to retain office, and till Samuel Whitbread by his impeachment of him fixed such a stigma on him, that although nominally acquitted, Perceval was afraid to risque employing him again, he clung to place, and possessed no

is precisely the one act most liable to objection. But the false spirit of exclusive loyalty fastens on the worst, for its own bye-ends, not the honour of the prince. Hia real friends would thank him for his noble answer respecting the parliamentary influence of the Duke of Newcastle, his having the address from Westminster inserted in the Gazette, and his "graciously receiving the address from the aggregate meeting of the Catholics of Ireland. The Duke of York's advocates afford another instance of the indiscretion, which throughout the whole business has characterized their proceedings. It is injudicious to revive again the recollection of the disgraceful transaction. They talk of bad motives in the accusers, but how stand the defenders? Are they free from suspición? Stokes, the attorney, by whose evidence Wright was acquitted of the indictment for perjury has wrung from Counsellor Alley a disclosure of the confession made by Stokes, that he expected at least £2000, per annum, for his services in his attempts to restore the Duke. On which side do corrupt motives preponderate Of the addresses on the present occa sion how many are influenced by the hopes of preferment for their friends and relatives in the military line?

Henry Parnell has again brought forward in the house of commons the subject of tithes, but he had a thip auditory, and lost his question to pledge the house to take up the consideration of the subject by a majority of 54 to 29. He however promised to resume the subject in next session. Tithes are most oppressive to the peasantry of Ireland, the great majority of whom have to support two priesthoods. Wellesley Pole has announced that he has given up any endeavours to ameliorate this

system, although he said the subject had occupied his early attention, and been near and dear to him. Thus men pursuade themselves to think differently when in and out of office. The overwhelming influence of the church deters statesmen from interference, even when their better judgment points out the necessity."

The three bills introduced into parliament by Sir Samuel Romilly for taking away the capital part of the felony from stealing in private houses and shops, and on navigable canals, after having passed the commons through two divisions, in which he had a respectable majority was thrown out in the house of Lords in a very thin house; only ten Peers voting for them, the ministerial and law lords being decidedly hostile to them. But two bills were permit ted to pass in consequence of the petitions from the bleachers of this country and the calico printers in England, by which stealing out of a bleach-green or print-yard are no longer capital felonies, but to be púnished by transportation or confinement in penitentiary houses at the option of the judge. Thus one step has been successfully made, which it may be hoped will tend to facilitate the huinane, benevolent and judicious plans of Sir Samuel Romilly to reform the criminal law. A consolatory hope is held out that reform will be progressive. Reforms are at first decried and opposed under the dreaded name of innovation. At length in some instances a little is conceded, and then something more, till at the end, the wished for reform is achieved by slow degrees, and the victory of a liberal and enlightened policy over prejudice is completed.

We meet with the following paragraph in the public papers, which deserves attention, as an instance of